ARMED NON-STATE ACTORS IN AFRICA AND THE BAN ON ANTI-PERSONNEL LANDMINES

A truly universal ban on anti-personnel mines cannot be realized without engagement of armed non-state actors and armed groups operating outside state control, including rebels and national liberation movements. Events after 9/11 have complicated engagement with organizations that can be classified as ‘terrorists’. Yet, the use of anti-personnel landmines itself can be viewed as an act of terrorism and African leaders have, on various occasions, classified the use of landmines and the presence of unexploded ordnance as engendering insecurity and a serious impediment to development. The success of a total ban ultimately depends upon ensuring that armed non-state actors act in accordance with international humanitarian law. The Geneva Call Deed of Commitment for Adherence to a Total Ban on Anti-Personnel Mines and for Cooperation in Mine Action (DoC) might be described as an alternative instrument to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention and can serve an important and impartial channel of communication with non-state actors. Already 18 armed groups in Africa have signed the Geneva Call DoC.     

Compensating military veterans in South Africa

This article outlines the widespread needs of South African military veterans and the possible consequences if the promises made in the recent Military Veterans Act are not met. The first part of the article defines who generally qualifies as a military veteran, how they are typically compensated in various countries with specific reference to neighbouring southern African countries, and what the consequences are when veterans become disenchanted with the state. The second part focuses on South Africa and the recent debates on military veterans and their entitlements. With reference to the findings of a qualitative study conducted among military veterans, parliamentary debates and media reports, an assessment is made of the demands and affordability of promised benefits and the consequences should the state not deliver. The conclusion is reached that heightened expectations are presently frustrated by slow roll-outs, and this is likely to increase the possibility of protest action. This has now the potential to create further tension within the ruling party and civil society, as the pressure on public finances mounts and demands become unsustainable. The effect this may have on political stability will depend on how the government manages this issue.     

AFRICA

Political violence, at times perceived as terrorism, remains a major security challenge in Swaziland. The common view is that this violence is perpetrated by those who feel marginalised from the political process. Central to the hypothesis advanced in this paper is that any effective solution to the menace of political violence and the security challenges it poses begins with an awareness of the symbiotic relation between security, human rights and democracy. It has been empirically proven that abuse of human rights can lead to violence, which negates peace and security in any society. In terms of content the paper looks at the shape of political violence in Swaziland. Next, it discusses the strategies and ideas behind efforts by the Swazi state to combat political violence and the counter-arguments. The final section shows the inextricable link between security, human rights and democracy; and argues that recognising this linkage can provide the key to unlocking the security puzzle in Swaziland.     

Institutionalizing supreme command: explaining political–military integration in the Vietnam War, 1964–1968

Under what conditions can leaders achieve wartime political–military integration? In the Vietnam War, political–military integration exhibited dramatic variation: in the air war, the US was able to tightly integrate its political objectives and military conduct, but in the ground war, the American military prosecuted a strategy that was both divorced from broader political objectives and was immune from Washington's influence. I argue that the nature of information management between the military and civilian leadership explains the pattern of political–military integration in the Vietnam War more completely than do explanations that focus on the organizational cultures of professional militaries.     

从王安石变法看政策执行的必备要素

政策的执行是一项系统性工作,其中领导者的综合素质、直达基层的领导骨干、及时高效的反馈机制、牢靠的群众基础以及周密配套的实施方案,都是政策执行的必备要素。讨论政策执行的必备要素,对于政策的执行乃至当前的改革,都具有非常重要的现实意义。     

近十年少先队教育发展脉络与问题审视

针对新时代背景下少先队教育面临的三个时代课题,为推动少先队教育改革与时俱进,在《国家中长期教育改革和发展规划纲要（2010-2020年）》的指导下,本文基于近十年相关文本政策进行分析,以光荣感教育、政治社会化、辅导员专业化发展为主线,探究其发展规律并做出阶段性总结,对少先队时代课题的破解提出做好家、校、社光荣感教育的衔接;促进队员政治社会化的培养;树立辅导员内部自觉发展意识等建议,力图为今后少先队工作的顺利开展提供借鉴。     

社会转型期思想政治理论课教学效果提升研究

社会转型期使大学生在接受马克思主义思想政治理论课教学的过程中有了新的特点和诉求,在这一变化下提高马克思主义政治理论课的教学效果,必须从教师自身的教学理念、专业素质等方面予以考虑,也要从教学组织、教学方式方法、课内实践、学校教育多部门的协调等方面综合考虑。     

高校思想政治教育进网络势在必行

网络文化以其无法估计的力量冲击着人们原有的生活方式和思维方式,甚至影响着社会的政治、经济、文化和军事。在我国,高校大学生是网民的主体,这给高校思想政治教育带来机遇的同时也带来了挑战。能否把握机遇,迎接挑战将关系着高校思想政治教育的成败,影响着高校培养人才的质量。本文结合高校工作的实际,借鉴内地高校成功的经验,通过分析网络对大学生成长的影响,提出了加强网络时代高校思想政治教育的对策。     

青年军人思想政治工作逆反心理及疏导

部队思想政治工作中的逆反心理是发生在青年军人身上的一种较为普遍的心理现象,已成为影响部队思想政治工作效果的巨大障碍之一。在对逆反心理的内涵、表现和形成原因深入分析的基础上,有针对性地提出具体的疏导措施。     

加强高校思想政治工作骨干队伍建设之我见

加强高校思想政治工作骨干队伍建设,是高等学校培养合格人才的需要,也是做好新形势下高校思想政治工作的关键所在。针对高校思想政治工作骨干队伍建设面临的困惑,应加强党、政、团干部队伍建设,加强政治理论课专业教师队伍建设。