TANZANIA

Protracted state collapse in Somalia has led to a multiplication and diversification of armed groups. We can speak of at least five types of armed group: faction, warlord, business, court, and Islamic militias. These groups differ in important ways, yet often are simply classified as ‘militia’ or ‘warlord’. This essay seeks to add a measure of analytical rigour to the classification of armed groups and provides a comparison using a framework of purpose, motivations, logistics, and command, control and communication. It concludes with some observations about the importance of making these distinctions when formulating policy for this region.     

NEW TERRORISM

New or contemporary international terrorism associated with Islamic fundamentalism and the struggle against Zionism and American interests is a recent phenomenon in Kenya, different to that experienced during the struggle against colonialism. Many explanations have been offered as to why Kenya is being targeted, but have not sufficiently explored its close relationship with the West—especially Britain and the United States, the perceived connection between Israel and the former Presidency of Daniel Arap Moi, domestic forces and government policy. Externally the most important explanations for the increase in regional terrorism are the three waves of global terrorism since 1967, the most recent and significant of which is associated with Osama bin Laden and the Palestinian Intifada. These events reverberated in the region, Sudan and Somalia in particular, but also internally. Both internal and external attribution factors explain the resurgence of new terrorism in Africa. In the case of Kenya, terrorist attacks are associated with the country's internal domestic processes and a naïve approach to broader international issues.     

Political opposition,external threats,and elite responses: analyzing domestic security policy in post-Rose Revolution Georgia

In the years since the 2003 Rose Revolution, the popularly elected leadership of the Republic of Georgia has responded to organized protests with a variety of repressive tactics. These reactions suggest that former challengers to authoritarian elites may utilize similar methods of retaining power during crisis periods. Yet, the alleged involvement of agencies of the Russian Federation in fomenting domestic instability has also occupied a central position in the national security policies of the outgoing Saakashvili government. These conditions both preceded and were reinforced by the South Ossetia War of August 2008. This article proposes a theoretical model that represents the intervening effect of interstate conflicts on state–society relations in Georgia from 2003 to present. It presents several hypotheses and possible indicators, data sources, and techniques for analyzing the interaction between characteristics of opposition groups, external threats, and the domestic security practices of contemporary Georgian political elites.     

基于超网络的作战体系建模方法

基于信息系统体系作战问题研究的基础是作战体系构建。在对作战体系进行网络化结构分析的基础上,重点考虑体系中各类实体及属性的复杂性,根据其网络拓扑特性,以超网络、超图理论为指导,建立了基于结构层和属性层相统一的超网络模型,并结合体系作战过程中的对抗规律,提出超网络模型相应的动态演化方式,最后通过案例建模验证了超网络作战体系构建模型的适应性及优势。     

Militias as sociopolitical movements: Lessons from Iraq's armed Shia groups

The Shia militia has emerged as one of the most powerful and important actors in the Middle East security environment. Despite this trend, they remain poorly understood by scholars and policymakers alike. This article seeks to expand our understanding of the militia as a type of non-state armed group through an examination of Shia militia movements in Iraq between 2003 and 2009. More than simply warlords, paramilitaries, or foreign proxies, Shia militias in Iraq enjoyed substantial popular legitimacy, pursued a broad social and political agenda, and participated actively in the formal institutions of the state. Understanding the triangular relationship between the militia, the state, and the population is essential in explaining the rise and fall of the Shia militias during the US occupation as well as in developing strategies to deal with their most recent resurgence     

Civil–military relations in francophone Africa and the consequences of a mistaken analysis

The Building Security Overseas Strategy is at its core an ‘Intervention to end all Interventions’ – from a Western as well as an African perspective. Two of its main pillars are security sector reform in specific countries and systematic support to the development of the African Peace and Security Architecture. This article addresses the question why such efforts have met little success in francophone Africa. It argues that the failure of Western advisers to understand the sociological dynamics of African armed forces, shaped by a political culture based on personal loyalty to the leader, is at the root of the problem. In that context, the Huntingtonian-type distinction between the civilians and the military does not apply as military and civilians act in concert within common clientelism systems. As a result of the curtailing of the state-formation experience in most African countries, the military never had to demonstrate its performance as a state builder, nor did it have to bargain its legitimacy against the support of the citizens. Partnership in that context will remain a misnomer, at least until African military can credibly demonstrate commitment to state-building grounded in a broad-based social contract.     

美、俄的太空战准备

航天技术的发展,加快了空间军事化的进程,空间已成为维护国家安全和国家利益所关注和占据的战略"制高点"。战场空间已从陆、海、空三维扩展到外层空间,未来战争将是陆、海、空、天一体化的战争,太空战即将来临。防止外空武器化和外空军备竞赛,已成为新世纪国际社会广泛关注的最紧迫、最突出的问题之一。     

当代先进生产力特点及其对社会要求

生产力有先进与否之分 ,某一时代的先进生产力是在该时代起 (或将起 )核心或主导作用的生产力。当代先进生产力是以生物技术、信息技术、纳米技术等为代表的高新技术。不同的生产力有不同的特点并因而对社会生活有不同的要求 ,当代先进生产力也是一样。明确当代先进生产力的特点及其对社会生活的要求 ,就可以使我们方向明确地、切实地践行中国共产党“始终代表中国先进生产力的发展要求”这“第一要务” ,从而推动社会整体的发展与进步 ,并真正实现“中国最广大人民的根本利益”。     

基于CCD器件的光电位敏探测器研究

本文作为原理性探讨,在一定实验的基础上,提出了一种利用CCD器件和模拟电路构成光电位敏探测器(PSD)的新方法.用此方法构成的PSD具有高于CCD空间分辨率的定位精度、较宽的线性工作范围和较高的动态响应速度,能够满足特殊场合的使用需要.