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51.
Contrary to earlier notions that religious diversity, ethnicity and the lack of economic development are the main factors responsible for the surge of violence in Nigeria, this article argues that the means of attaining or retaining political authority by politicians are responsible for violent conflicts and the formation of insurgent groups. Using theories of patrimonialism and prebendalism, the article argues that political power and authority are often channelled for personal use in a predatory manner that results in the formation of insurgent groups. The aim of this article is to proffer a different analytical framework for the understanding of the formation of insurgent groups based on political authority.  相似文献   
52.
This article examines critically the literature of hybrid war and evaluates the countermeasures often proposed. It explains the concept of hybrid warfare and its varied interpretations, illustrating how it is a manifestation of current anxieties in armed conflict. The selection of the literature is based on works that are referenced, that offer a scientific approach, and which review either the phenomenon of hybrid warfare or its countermeasures empirically. Unscientific works have been omitted. The analysis of the literature presented here shows that the antidotes to ‘hybridity’ lie not in the operational or tactical sphere but in strategic and political domains.  相似文献   
53.
我国当前正处于社会转型的关键时期,青年军人思想发生了深刻变化,探索新形势下青年军人思想特点及其思想政治教育规律,对于增强思想政治工作实效性、提高部队战斗力和促进军人全面发展具有重要意义。  相似文献   
54.
我国思想政治工作者在实践中总结出来的"晓之以理、动之以情、持之以恒、导之以行"的十六字方针,是对思想政治工作规律的反映,其中的"理"、"情"、"意"、"行"是做好思想政治工作的四个基本因素,它们在思想政治工作中起着各自不可替代的作用.  相似文献   
55.
实现军队思想政治教育人文关怀,是改进军队思想政治教育和促进我军现代化建设的重要任务。把人文关怀融入思想政治教育,使军队思想政治教育迈向更高层次,更加科学化。以马克思主义的人文精神及其内涵为基点,提出把人文精神融入军队思想政治教育中,在阐释军队思想政治教育实践人文关怀的路径上,实现官兵的个人发展和军队建设的和谐统一。  相似文献   
56.
强军目标是新时期军队建设的行动纲领。思想政治建设必须围绕强军目标展开。军队思想政治工作受所处环境的影响和制约。贯彻强军目标创设良好的思想政治工作环境,首先要从本单位自身做起,建设净化优美的军营“小环境”,塑造军营环境的“奋斗之关”“陶冶之美”“形象之美”,增强思想政治工作环境的推动力、感染力和约束力。  相似文献   
57.
大学生思想政治教育中的“沉默螺旋”现象   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"沉默的螺旋"理论是20世纪70年代德国社会学家诺尔诺依曼基于历史和传播的角度提出的关于舆论形成的理论假设,是现今学界研究受众反应的经典理论之一。本文就沉默螺旋理论在当代大学生思政传播中的存在性进行了论证,并分析了其对大学生思想政治教育可能产生的影响,结合实际,探讨了降低其负面影响的对策。  相似文献   
58.
This paper argues that the crisis of electoral democracy in Zimbabwe and Cote d'Ivoire is a result of underlying structural and institutional deficiencies within national and regional multinational institutions. It assesses the extent to which they have been ‘enablers’ or ‘spoilers’ of electoral-based transitions to democracy. Yet it avoids generalisations of the security sector's involvement in political transitions. In terms of structure, the paper is divided into four sections. Section one will briefly discuss the theoretical perspectives of the election-democracy trajectory. It argues that although elections are a major variable for democracy, unless the ‘ecology of elections’ is conducive, elections may not be an instrument of transition to democracy. The second section analyses the militarisation of politics and the role of the security sector in aiding or stalling democratisation. Section three will assess the role of regional organisations such as the Southern African Development Community, Economic Community of West African States and the African Union in electoral-based political transitions in Africa. Lastly, the paper will discuss how the security sector and multinational African institutions can aid political transitions to democracy in troubled African countries.  相似文献   
59.
Data from a cross-sectional survey of 176 Lebanese Shiis living in Metropolitan Beirut have been used to investigate the relationship between social and religious variables and attitudes toward Lebanon's “Party of God” (Hezbollah). The results indicate that Islamic religiosity, political discontent, and access to social welfare are positively associated with endorsement of the party. The implications of these findings for the party's future in light of recent political developments are discussed.  相似文献   
60.
The PKK has been a prolonged problem in Turkey, and various measures have been adopted to diminish and end the violence. In addition to the impacts on violence, these policies have also had an impact on public opinion and ethnic awareness of Kurds in Turkey. This article analyzes these policies and their effects on electoral support for the PKK by examining the vote shares of the pro-PKK political parties in national and local elections. It concludes that Turkey has conceptualized the issue solely as a problem of terrorism, but the goal, strategy, organization, and format of violence used by the PKK reflect the nature of an insurgency. Therefore, it is argued that Turkey, by ignoring the insurgency features, has disregarded the legitimate parts of the cause and related popular support, and thus has responded mostly with deterrent measures apart from the reforms of recent years. Results have shown that policies of deterrence culminated in a steady level of support for the PKK indicating that low level of legitimacy – as they were perceived by the people – of the policies resulted in viable popular and political support for the PKK. Despite the recent accommodative reforms, the existence of pro-PKK parties rallying electoral support in the political arena provided sustained level activities in the conventional politics in Turkey's municipal and national political system, in which they pursue pro-PKK agendas, such as ‘Autonomy’ and ‘Confederation’ as well as activities to increase the distinction in identity around the ethnic consciousness for more popular support. Yet, no clear pattern is identified between violence level and popular support in the macro-scale.  相似文献   
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