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51.
Olayinka Ajala 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(1):112-130
Contrary to earlier notions that religious diversity, ethnicity and the lack of economic development are the main factors responsible for the surge of violence in Nigeria, this article argues that the means of attaining or retaining political authority by politicians are responsible for violent conflicts and the formation of insurgent groups. Using theories of patrimonialism and prebendalism, the article argues that political power and authority are often channelled for personal use in a predatory manner that results in the formation of insurgent groups. The aim of this article is to proffer a different analytical framework for the understanding of the formation of insurgent groups based on political authority. 相似文献
52.
Robert Johnson 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(1):141-163
This article examines critically the literature of hybrid war and evaluates the countermeasures often proposed. It explains the concept of hybrid warfare and its varied interpretations, illustrating how it is a manifestation of current anxieties in armed conflict. The selection of the literature is based on works that are referenced, that offer a scientific approach, and which review either the phenomenon of hybrid warfare or its countermeasures empirically. Unscientific works have been omitted. The analysis of the literature presented here shows that the antidotes to ‘hybridity’ lie not in the operational or tactical sphere but in strategic and political domains. 相似文献
53.
Godfrey Maringira 《African Security Review》2016,25(1):21-30
In post-colonial Africa, the military has been central to sustaining freedom. However, the current political trends in Zimbabwe represent a different phenomenon, with the army perpetrating violence against its own citizens. For many years, the concept of ‘militarisation’ has been used to define social and political practices outside the military. Scholars have deployed the concept of militarisation as a category of analysis and practice. In doing so, scholarly writing portrays the military as an instrument of militarisation. So, who militarises the military? While scholars use the concept of militarisation to analyse other state institutions, the central argument of this paper is that the concept of militarisation has been deployed inappropriately and narrowly by scholars to refer to the appointment of military personnel in state institutions. I argue that in the Zimbabwean post-2000 political crisis, what has in fact been militarised is the military itself as an institution – through the command and control of soldiers against their moral will – and this phenomenon is exemplified by the growing involvement of the military in the perpetration of political violence against the civilian population in Zimbabwe. This paper draws on the experiences of 44 Zimbabwe army deserters. 相似文献
54.
AbstractThe rollback of Daesh’s territorial control during 2017 has (re-)established an area of limited statehood in large parts of Iraq that may endure for many years. The government of Iraq projects its authority into a large geographical and political space that it shares with a multitude of other state, non-state and hybrid actors, competing and collaborating to achieve advantageous security and political outcomes. This paper examines the heterarchy of actors in post-Daesh Iraq to develop a typology and start a critical discussion about post-Westphalian alternatives for security governance in Iraq during the coming period of reconstruction and reconciliation. 相似文献
55.
Emmanuel Karagiannis 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):181-201
Although the environmental movement was established in the West, there is currently an Islamist variant that has received less attention. The Quran and the Hadiths provide guidance for the faithful on the relationship between Allah, humanity and nature. The article will examine and compare the environmental agendas of six Islamist groups: Hizb'allah, Hizb ut-Tahrir, Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, Jamaat-e-Islami, and al Qaeda. While they all share similar concerns, Islamists have developed globalized, glocalized, or localized ‘scales’ of engagement, depending on the targeted audience. Finally, the article will examine the security implications of Islamist environmentalism, including the possibility of an alliance between Islamists and militant environmentalists. 相似文献
56.
Mustafa Cosar Unal 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(3):432-455
The PKK has been a prolonged problem in Turkey, and various measures have been adopted to diminish and end the violence. In addition to the impacts on violence, these policies have also had an impact on public opinion and ethnic awareness of Kurds in Turkey. This article analyzes these policies and their effects on electoral support for the PKK by examining the vote shares of the pro-PKK political parties in national and local elections. It concludes that Turkey has conceptualized the issue solely as a problem of terrorism, but the goal, strategy, organization, and format of violence used by the PKK reflect the nature of an insurgency. Therefore, it is argued that Turkey, by ignoring the insurgency features, has disregarded the legitimate parts of the cause and related popular support, and thus has responded mostly with deterrent measures apart from the reforms of recent years. Results have shown that policies of deterrence culminated in a steady level of support for the PKK indicating that low level of legitimacy – as they were perceived by the people – of the policies resulted in viable popular and political support for the PKK. Despite the recent accommodative reforms, the existence of pro-PKK parties rallying electoral support in the political arena provided sustained level activities in the conventional politics in Turkey's municipal and national political system, in which they pursue pro-PKK agendas, such as ‘Autonomy’ and ‘Confederation’ as well as activities to increase the distinction in identity around the ethnic consciousness for more popular support. Yet, no clear pattern is identified between violence level and popular support in the macro-scale. 相似文献
57.
Simon Haddad 《Defense & Security Analysis》2013,29(1):16-29
Data from a cross-sectional survey of 176 Lebanese Shiis living in Metropolitan Beirut have been used to investigate the relationship between social and religious variables and attitudes toward Lebanon's “Party of God” (Hezbollah). The results indicate that Islamic religiosity, political discontent, and access to social welfare are positively associated with endorsement of the party. The implications of these findings for the party's future in light of recent political developments are discussed. 相似文献
58.
59.
潘建广 《兵团教育学院学报》2007,17(3):27-29
网络文化以其无法估计的力量冲击着人们原有的生活方式和思维方式,甚至影响着社会的政治、经济、文化和军事。在我国,高校大学生是网民的主体,这给高校思想政治教育带来机遇的同时也带来了挑战。能否把握机遇,迎接挑战将关系着高校思想政治教育的成败,影响着高校培养人才的质量。本文结合高校工作的实际,借鉴内地高校成功的经验,通过分析网络对大学生成长的影响,提出了加强网络时代高校思想政治教育的对策。 相似文献
60.
随着政治工作信息资源管理的需要,运用元数据来描述政治工作信息资源正逐渐成为普遍趋势,由于政治工作信息资源来源广泛种类复杂,如果缺乏顶层设计,势必会造成元数据标准不统一不规范的现象,从而影响政治工作信息资源管理。文章研究军队政治工作信息资源元数据标准的内涵,阐述其在政治工作信息化建设中的作用价值,提出具体设计应该遵循的原则和步骤。 相似文献