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51.
Akinbode Fasakin 《African Security Review》2017,26(1):87-108
This study contends that an analysis of the nexus between leadership and security offers useful insights into explaining conflict by stating that the conceptualisation of these argots, especially through the definition of leadership as a process, helps to explain and address Nigeria’s security challenges. By arguing that leaders’ ability to establish mutuality with their followers in any situation and set collectively-generated means for attaining these set goals for societal security, the study shows how such a relationship creates a secured state. This is not the case in Nigeria, where leaders’ security decisions are influenced by external actors rather than by their followers. By showing that the Nigerian ruling elite’s security agendas intersect with dominant global notions of security while neglecting genuine security interests of ordinary Nigerians, the study contextualises the complex global and local security interests in Nigeria. The lack of an intersection at home, however, has contributed to the emergence of extremists such as the Boko Haram sect, as well as the escalation of the acts of violence they perpetrate. As national insecurities become complex and intractable, ‘elegant’ or unilinear solutions – such as a military approach – lack the capacity to address these problems. 相似文献
52.
Ian Westerman 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(3):276-288
The existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes. 相似文献
53.
Nadine Ansorg 《Contemporary Security Policy》2017,38(1):129-144
Many African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually. 相似文献
54.
Bilin Neyapti 《Defence and Peace Economics》2017,28(5):491-510
I present a formal framework to explore the welfare and distributional effects of a government’s optimal choice over two types of public spending in a closed economy: domestic security (DS) and investment in social capital (SC). Production is characterized as a function of social and physical capital stocks that both vary across the regions. DS stands for total factor productivity, while SC stands for human capital and civic cooperativeness combined. SC accumulates via public spending on universal primary education, cultural, and civic events and such, and is exposed to regional spillover effects. Numerical simulations of the static solution of the government’s welfare maximization problem reveal that the optimal rate of spending on SC (m*) is negatively related with the income share of physical capital, SC spillovers and fiscal decentralization. Simulations also show that SC homogeneity is positively associated with both the level and equitability of aggregate income. The maximum attainable levels of income, welfare and social cohesion and the most equitable incomes are all observed to realize at some intermediate range of m* values. In case DS augments SC, however, social cohesion improves and welfare declines monotonously in m*. 相似文献
55.
为深入研究美陆军数据战略目标及实施策略,为我军数据战略研究提供借鉴,文章对美陆军2016年发布的最新《陆军数据战略》进行分析,指出其目标是实现数据的可视化、可获取、可信任、可理解和互操作,并对美陆军数据战略的具体实施策略进行了剖析,指出美国陆军数据战略推动的是美军军事作战理论转型,从"网络为中心"转变为以"数据为中心"作战理念,其核心意图在于以数据优势实现指挥决策优势。 相似文献
56.
刘有霞 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(5):94-96
分析新时期加强消防部队财务保障的重要意义和当前财务保障工作存在的主要问题,提出了树立大局意识、加强财务预算管理保障建设、加强财务分析保障建设、加强财务监督保障建设、加强财务人才队伍建设等对策。 相似文献
57.
58.
杨坤 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,30(11):73-77
当前,边境安全形势复杂、训练理念陈旧、部队勤训矛盾突出、训练内容与安排不合理、训练保障能力有限等主客观因素,制约着公安现役部队非战争军事行动训练的开展,对公安现役部队形成非战争军事行动战斗力构成了挑战。树立科学的非战争军事行动训练指导思想与理念,创新训练方法和手段,优化训练内容,加强教员队伍建设和训练基地建设,是改进非战争军事行动训练的有效对策。 相似文献
59.
郑中 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(7):11-13
海警智库建设对加快海警力量建设发展,提高海警力量的应对能力和加强海上安全问题研究具有重要意义。立足于国家海上安全战略,对我国海警智库建设的动因、功能和策略进行了探讨。 相似文献
60.
刘容筝 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,30(11):53-56
服务职能是思想政治教育的一项基本职能。公安边防部队思想政治教育要服务于社会、服务于边防部队和官兵个人,以增强思想政治教育的完整性和实效性,提高边防部队的凝聚力和战斗力。在对目前公安边防部队思想政治教育服务职能的现状及原因进行分析的基础上,从坚持以人为本教育理念、紧贴现实更新教育内容、充分利用教育资源和现代手段、完善考评监督保障机制四个方面,提出了加强服务职能的对策。 相似文献