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291.
马志强 《武警工程学院学报》2010,(6):64-66
“三审制”传统的机制以及运作的惯例,已经无法适应时代发展的要求。在原先严肃但又有点呆板的审稿机制中,需要注入多元化的审稿方式。编者和审者在坚持“三审制”严肃性一面的同时,应多注意运作方式等的灵活性。 相似文献
292.
深化以任职教育为主体的教学方法改革,是顺应当前武警部队职能任务多样化的必然要求。任职教育适应岗位任职能力的需要必须注重加强军事专业课教学方法的改革与探索。“贴近纳新”把贴近职能需要纳入教学理念、贴近任职实际纳入组教模式、贴近岗位实用纳入课题施教为着眼点,旨在适应任职教育岗位任职能力培养的需要。 相似文献
293.
焦向磊 《武警工程学院学报》2010,(5):84-86
武警院校拥有丰富的教育资源,依托武警部队日益健全的内部网络系统,大力开展现代远程教育,能够更加紧密院校与部队的联系,及时了解部队的需求,制定出更加符合部队实际的课程体系,更大限度发挥现有教学资源的效益。由于远程教育具有方便快捷,受时间、空间局限小的特性,弥补了由于武警部队点多、线长、面广,分布相对分散,导致部队官兵学习时间不固定、人员难以集中等不便的问题,为武警部队官兵获取文化知识,学习科学技术提供了新的途径。 相似文献
294.
王旭东 《武警工程学院学报》2010,(5):90-92
作为举世公认的兵学宝典,《孙子兵法》蕴涵着丰富的谋略思想,表现出高超的思维艺术,成为思维品质的基础性来源。武警指挥员战术思维品质的预见性、经验性、灵活性、辩证性、系统性,正是其谋略精华在新时期武警执勤作战中的运用和发展。 相似文献
295.
296.
利用金属膜电阻设计并制作了用于陡化前沿Marx发生器调试的大功率低电感负载.其阻值约为90Ω,电感约为55nH,基本不具备分散电容.该负载采用线性渐变的圆锥外型结构,有利于减小信号在负载上的反射,配合电容分压器使用能够很好地完成对前沿约为几ns的快前沿高压脉冲的测量.理论估算了该负载的功率容量,并利用PSpice软件模拟了对其进行脉冲方波加载的情况.该负载用于调试陡化前沿的Marx发生器的实验中,获得了幅值约210kV,脉宽近40ns,前沿为5ns的快前沿高压脉冲.多次实验结果表明该负载性能稳定,适用于陡化前沿Marx发生器的调试工作. 相似文献
297.
Alejandro M. Rabinovich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):775-796
ABSTRACT In the decades following independence from Spain, ‘civil wars’ ravaged the newly established polities in South America. Former vice-regal capitals inherited a larger portion of the colonial administration and had larger economic resources and a hegemonic project they were able to have permanent and professional armed forces, capable of leading the offensive and giving battle following the European rules of military art. The central hypothesis of this work is that there is a necessary relationship between the shape of these asymmetrical conflicts, their outcome and the political territorial configuration of each country in post-revolutionary Spanish America. When permanent armies took over from local militias, the capital kept the integrity of its territories and there was a tendency towards political centralization. When this did not happen and the militias managed to find a way to defeat their centralizing enemies, the local powers had an opportunity to renegotiate their participation in the political body, and sought to maintain their independence, which was manifest in federal agreements, otherwise a process of territorial fragmentation began. More than a difference between regular and irregular forces there was one between intermittent, and permanent mobilization. 相似文献
298.
This article examines the evolution of the current British military joint intelligence doctrine. We argue that military intelligence doctrine is dogged by an intrinsic tension between the ethos and expectations of military doctrine and those of the professional practice of intelligence. We further argue not only that prior iterations of UK joint intelligence doctrine failed to effectively deal with this intelligence doctrine dilemma, but also that measures in the current doctrine to address this problem directly created their own problems. Moreover, as a result, otherwise sound innovations in the current UK intelligence doctrine have proven unsuitable to wider diffusion in more recent intelligence doctrine such as the new NATO intelligence doctrine which, otherwise, draws extensively on its British precursor. 相似文献
299.
Thomas Waldman 《Defence Studies》2019,19(1):85-105
This paper explores the notion that US efforts to evade the political costs of war paradoxically contribute to the subsequent exacerbation of costs over time. Leaders seek to purchase political capital in the short term by limiting the costs and requirements of military operations, but in doing so cause strategic and political liabilities to mount in the long run. While identification of such behaviour is not new, insufficient attention has been devoted to explaining its causes, dynamics, and manifestations in relation to key decisions on and in war. Evidence derived from studies of recent American discretionary campaigns is analysed to advance an argument with respect to this pattern of self-defeating strategic behaviour. 相似文献
300.
The Anglo-American military relationship is a vital yet neglected area of study. This article argues that the British military have actively cultivated a relationship with the U.S. military that has contributed to the longevity of the broader so-called “Special Relationship,” even in the Trump era. The article contends that the complexities of the military relationship can best be captured by the theoretical lens provided by Lowndes and Roberts that combines different strands of institutionalism to focus on rules, practices, and narratives. The intense linkages between the United States and United Kingdom have become routinized, enabling them to adapt their peacetime cooperation to conflicts, and thereby address post-Cold War security challenges. The article draws upon semi-structured interviews with senior British military officers as well as policy documents to explore how these patterns of collaboration have become ingrained in patterns of both thinking and behavior. 相似文献