动态性警卫勤务卫星通信保障非技术性障碍及对策

卫星通信技术为警卫勤务的通信保障提供了可靠的技术平台,但临时现场、临时住地以及路线等动态性警卫勤务的通信保障问题一直没有得到较好地解决,动态性警卫勤务中应用卫星通信还存在着一些非技术层面的障碍。阐述了动态性警卫勤务运用卫星通信保障的必要性和可行性,分析了动态性警卫勤务卫星通信保障非技术性障碍,提出了消除动态性警卫勤务卫星通信保障非技术性障碍的对策。     

构建警种部队应急救援信息系统向“能打仗、打胜仗”聚焦

随着建设现代化武警部队的逐步推进,各警种部队信息化装备不断发展,引进和研发了许多不同类型、不同规模的信息系统。如何合理整合运用这些系统使之尽快生成应急救援能力,是当前部队和院校面临的重大课题。建设警种部队应急救援信息系统,发挥信息系统优势向“能打仗、打胜仗”聚焦,是实现统一指挥、快速反应、科学用兵、科学施救、密切协同的根本保证。     

理想格上高效公钥加密方案

目前现存的R—LWE公钥加密方案,普遍存在公钥尺寸大、密文扩展率高的缺陷。给出一种高效的理想格上公钥加密方案,在多用户环境中,借助一个基于广义背包难题的可抵抗碰撞的哈希函数构造用户的公私钥对,缩短了公钥长度;通过增加整个密文中携带消息密文的份额,有效降低了加密每比特明文的平均开销。在安全性方面,由公钥恢复私钥的困难性可以归约到理想格中SVP问题,对密文的攻击相当于求解判定性R—LWE问题。因此,方案能够达到CPA安全性。     

Deterrence and overseas stability

The use of conventional armed forces in a deterrent role merits close consideration. Instability in weak or failing states can have global ramifications, while efforts to build stability take time. In principle, conventional deterrence can be used to buy the time required for such stabilization efforts. Attempts at deterrence will, however, need to overcome credibility problems stemming from the technical limitations associated with conventional armed forces, and with the likely requirement for multiple external actors to deter multiple intrastate audiences. While deterrence might work under certain circumstances, it will not play as central a role in strategy as it did during the Cold War.     

Introduction: Exploring the jungle of terminology

When twentieth-century authors wrote about ‘partisan warfare’, they usually meant an insurgency or asymmetric military operations conducted against a superior force by small bands of ideologically driven irregular fighters. By contrast, originally (i.e. before the French Revolution) ‘partisan’ in French, English, and German referred only to the leader of a detachment of special forces (party, partie, Parthey, détachement) which the major European powers used to conduct special operations alongside their regular forces. Such special operations were the classic definition of ‘small war’ (petite guerre) in the late seventeenth and in the eighteenth centuries. The Spanish word ‘la guerrilla’, meaning nothing other than ‘small war’, only acquired an association with rebellion with the Spanish War of Independence against Napoleon. Even after this, however, armies throughout the world have continued to employ special forces. In the late nineteenth century, their operations have still been referred to as prosecuting ‘la guerrilla’ or ‘small war’, which existed side by side with, and was often mixed with, ‘people's war’ or popular uprisings against hated regimes.     

International Security,Multiple Public Good Provisions,and The Exploitation Hypothesis

Since the 1960s Olson-Zeckhauser’s (1966) analysis, its ‘exploitation of the great by the small’ has provided economists’ core model of alliance’s provision of security/defense. But with the end of the Cold War, countries’ allocative behavior has diverged markedly from OZ’s predictions for defense as a homogeneous pure public good voluntarily provided. This paper suggests a replacement for OZ, with the essential difference that ‘defense’ rather than being aggregated into their single public good is disaggregated into more realistic categories of self-insurance and self-protection. Because allocative behavior in public good groups is essentially driven by income effects, we concentrate on these, which become complex and conflicted, giving much greater scope for goods-inferiority. The analysis is followed by numerical simulations, which conform to actual experienced allocations in NATO much better than the conventional ‘exploitation’ model.     

SDI,NATO, and the Social Composition Function

The strategic defense initiative (SDI) intends to renew the leadership of the USA on the western alliance. The initiative takes place in a period when a summation technology prevails for the aggregation of contributions of NATO allies. We investigate if SDI induces a shift in Hirshleifer’s social composition function. Panel data tests over the period 1970–1990 do not confirm any break toward a best-shot aggregator. SDI does not alter the core of deterrence. It is indeed a public good at the US level but not at the NATO level, where, it is one of the joint products of the alliance. We also investigate the lessons to be drawn for the current debates on ballistic defense.     

Trading coups for civil war

This paper investigates civil conflict as a product of the survival strategies of African leaders. Specifically, the paper offers a theory of risk substitution that predicts coup-fearing leaders will undermine the military effectiveness of the state when making an effort to extend their own tenure. While ‘coup-proofing’ practices have often been noted as contributors to political survival, considerably less attention has been paid to the influence of these strategies on other forms of conflict. Utilising data from a number of cross-national datasets, the analyses show that having a higher number of ‘coup-proofing’ counterweights significantly worsens a state's civil conflict prospects. A brief consideration of multiple episodes of conflict further suggests that in addition to coup-proofing undermining the counterinsurgency capacity of the state, some leaders are simply indifferent to – or can even potentially benefit from – the existence of an insurgency.     

Homophobic legislation and its impact on human security

Despite sustained opposition, legislation criminalising homosexuality persists and threatens human security in Africa in numerous ways. This paper explores the circumstances around the enactment of new anti-homosexual legislation in Nigeria and Uganda, examining five categories of insecurity faced by lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in the context of these laws: physical violence; extortion and blackmail; arbitrary arrest and detention; displacement from home; and loss of work.     

“This program will not be a threat to them”: Ballistic Missile Defense and US relations with Russia and China

Although the Obama Administration has differed from its predecessor in a number of respects, on the specific issue of Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD), there is a striking continuity. The Obama Administration has remained committed to the BMD project, even as it has modified the schedule of deployments and prioritized different systems from the Bush Administration. Significantly, this has led to Chinese and Russian balancing in the nuclear sphere. As a result, there is evidence of a security dilemma-type dynamics in US relations with China and Russia. At present, there is no study that analyzes Russian and Chinese hard internal balancing against the USA in the sphere of missile defense during the Obama Administration. This article fills this gap.