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641.
Peter Campbell 《Defence Studies》2019,19(3):277-296
Military officers often oppose political interference in the conduct of war. Political leaders respond by citing Clausewitz’s contention that “war is the continuation of politics with the addition of other means.” Scholarship in security studies and civil-military relations argues that civilians are right to oppose military autonomy because it serves the parochial interests of the military. However, through the dialectical relationship between the violent essence of war and its political nature, Clausewitz provides an alternative explanation for military demands for autonomy. He shows that military and political leaders are prone to an incomplete understanding of war that can undermine strategy and policy. 相似文献
642.
The paper adds to the debate on the relationship between military spending and economic growth by analysing the contribution of a military university centre to regional economic development. It goes beyond traditional economic impact studies by including research related effects and integrating “third stream” activities. Conceptualization and categorization are carried out to thoroughly analyse the different dimensions of knowledge and “third stream” actions. The analysis is performed from its settlement and during its first 5 years of existence which allows showing how the strategy of community engagement is developed. The conclusion suggests that, as traditional military roles extend, and military education institutions become higher education institutions, a comprehensive evaluation should be taken into account to enrich the public debate on government spending. 相似文献
643.
Tamir Libel 《Defence Studies》2019,19(1):62-84
Few would disagree that European militaries have experienced dramatic changes since the end of the Cold War. Much of the discussion on these changes to date has referred to the concept of professionalism. However, this approach became outdated as professions in post-industrialist societies entered a state of crisis as a result of growing competition from a variety of competitors. The present study adapts a new framework from the sociology of knowledge literature – sociology of expertise – into one, sociology of security expertise, which is suitable for study of contemporary armed forces. Its utility is demonstrated through analysis of five European professional military education institutions. The analysis shows that European military organisations are transiting, albeit in various degrees, from one form of social organisation of military knowledge production – associated with the military education model common to traditional military colleges – toward another, which is related to the military education model of national defence universities. Hence it is highly probable that European military organisations lose, either voluntary or unintentionally, their professional character and can no longer be unquestionably assumed to be military professions. Hence, they should be analysed hereafter using the sociology of security expertise framework. 相似文献
644.
Dimitri Percia David Marcus Matthias Keupp Ricardo Marino Patrick Hofstetter 《Defence and Peace Economics》2019,30(1):111-127
The Swiss Armed Forces are suffering from a structural deficit of militia officers despite good pay and a general supportive attitude in the population. Whereas, prior studies have focused on motivation to explain understaffing in armed forces, we offer an alternative approach based on opportunity cost. We model decision alternatives both within and outside a military organization, taking private sector employment as the reference point. We then monetize opportunity costs of leisure, fringe benefits, and private sector income not compensated. Our results suggest that in terms of opportunity cost, service as a militia officer is the least attractive option, an effect that we believe explains the persistent staff deficit. Implications of these findings for the literature and recruitment policy are discussed. 相似文献
645.
Pat Paterson 《Journal of Military Ethics》2019,18(2):145-163
The U.S. spends billions of dollars in its security cooperation program to develop “professional, accountable, and capable security forces” in other nations, part of a grand strategy to improve global stability and counter violent extremism. Despite its great investment in professionalizing foreign militaries, however, the U.S. has no functional definition of military professionalism – a term that until now has been considered too vague and multi-faceted to operationalize. In this article, the author seeks to remedy this oversight, drawing from twenty years of security cooperation fieldwork in Latin America and Africa, as well as a vigorous literature review, to define four important components of military professionalism: (1) formal military education and vocational training, (2) military subordination to elected civilian officials, (3) knowledge and practice of the law of armed conflict and human rights law, and (4) a clearly established program of professional military ethics. This article provides guidelines for U.S. and European officials who work with partner nations to develop more professional military forces and, in particular, for officials managing security assistance programs with developing countries. 相似文献
646.
Eirik Lang Harris 《Journal of Military Ethics》2019,18(1):48-64
Chapter 15 of the Xunzi stands as the most comprehensive account of the early Confucian analysis of warfare. Unlike a range of other early, non-Confucian discussions on warfare, particular strategies and tactics are taken to be of secondary importance. Thus, Xunzi refuses to discuss practical military strategy without framing it within a much broader ethical, social, and political context. On his account, a well-ordered, flourishing state necessarily rests upon a particular set of rituals and social norms in which people can cultivate themselves morally. Such a state has nothing to fear from any enemy, no matter how tactically sophisticated or militarily skilled. To many, such a view seems overly optimistic. However, given that Xunzi is anything but Pollyannaish in other parts of the text and is quite pessimistic about human nature in general, it behooves us to dig a bit more deeply into his ideas about military affairs and examine whether they can be understood in a more plausible light. This article provides a reading of Xunzi’s views on military affairs that is internally consistent and corresponds with Xunzi’s broader ethical and political views, while also showing why someone of Xunzi’s obvious intellectual acumen might hold such a view. 相似文献
647.
William T. Johnsen 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(3):223-240
This essay outlines a theory of land power. After explaining the absence of such a theory, the article establishes the modern context for such a theory, specifically within the concept of joint interdependence. The analysis defines key terms and premises behind the theory, to include a definition of land power. The argument then outlines the national elements of power that contribute to a theory of land power. The analysis next applies the theory to the fundamental purposes of military power: defeat, deter, compel, assure, shape and support to the nation. The analysis then tests key definitions, supporting premises, and utility of the theory. The essay argues that historical experience validates the applicability and utility of the theory, and offers a solid basis for extrapolating the validity of the theory into the near future. 相似文献
648.
Noise and whole-body vibration measurements were made in a Viking military vehicle to determine the variation that should be expected during repeat measures, the effect of speed (up to 60 km/h in 5 km/h increments), and during travel over different types of terrain (comprising concrete road, gravel track and rough cross-country). Measurements were made at various crew positions (including the driver and commander) in both the front and the rear cabs in the vehicles. Three translational axes of vibration were measured in each seat. Two speeds were investigated over road (35 km/h and 55–60 km/h) and gravel (20 km/h and 35 km/h) surfaces. The effect of varying speed of the vehicle on the measured noise and vibration magnitudes was also investigated. The highest sound pressure level (LAeq) of 104 dB(A) was measured at the commander’s standing position during travel over concrete road at 55 km/h. Higher noise levels occurred for a standing commander compared with when sitting on the seat. A maximum single axis frequency-weighted vibration magnitude of 1.0 m/s2 r.m.s. was measured on the driver’s seat during travel over track at 35 km/h. Higher vibration magnitudes occurred during travel over track compared with travel over road. Both noise and vibration exposure of crew within the Viking vehicle increased with increasing speed of the vehicle. 相似文献
649.
李敏 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(9):37-43
中国特色社会主义法律体系业已形成,军事法的部门法地位问题却再度引发热议,我国法律体系相关理论构建过程中未及解决和完善的各种理论缺陷和逻辑谬误再度显现.理论上的矛盾需要化解,在我国特殊的宪政体制已经预设了军事法体系独立地位的前提下,军事法的部门法地位应当得到普遍认同.而为了达到这一目标,我国社会主义法律体系理论的完善成为必需,对军事法部门法地位的逻辑解析成为必要。 相似文献
650.
中国共产党建党以来的90年,大致可分为三个阶段：1921—1949年,1949—1978年,1978年至今。党带领人民先后完成了三件大事：建立了社会主义新中国,进行了社会主义改造,开辟了中国特色社会主义的道路。第一个阶段,实现了马克思主义中国第第一次飞跃,形成了毛泽东思想;第二个阶段,既是马克思主义中国化第一次飞跃的延伸,又为第二次飞跃做了准备;第三个阶段,实现了马克思主义中国第二次飞跃,形成了中国特色社会主义理论体系。 相似文献