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潘学萍 《武警工程学院学报》2013,(5):93-95
当前,军队院校的政治理论课教学,以教员课堂讲授为主,重课堂理论教学、轻社会实践锻炼的现象比较严重。这种传统的教学模式不利于创新型人才培养和教育转型的需要。政治理论课必须向基地教学延伸。 相似文献
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针对传统捕捉概率模型难以满足远程反舰导弹机动搜捕概率建模计算的问题,提出利用搜索论进行导弹机动搜捕概率计算的建模方法。该方法根据目标机动规律建立其分布概率密度函数,并依据末制导雷达发现目标概率的"倒四次方律"及弹目相对运动轨迹,构建其探测函数,通过求取两者之积的积分实现搜捕概率计算。计算结果显示:若远程反舰导弹不采取机动搜捕策略,目标指示误差增加1km时搜捕概率降低0.47,目标速度增加10节时搜捕概率降低0.3,末制导雷达搜索半径减小50%时搜捕概率降低0.3;若采取平行搜捕策略,上述因素对其影响大幅下降。可见,该方法综合考虑了目标机动规律、传感器探测规律、导弹搜捕策略,可实现远程反舰导弹机动搜捕概率的解算。 相似文献
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多目标跟踪问题通常包括目标信号的检测与目标状态的估计,同时还涉及到对探测范围内目标数量的确定。传统的跟踪方法将目标检测、状态估计与数量确定分别使用独立的模块或算法来处理。在这种模式下,每个模块仅考虑测量数据中与其功能直接相关的信息,模块之间没有信息的交互,因而很难得到全局最优的解。基于随机集理论的多目标跟踪方法将场景内的全部目标看作一个全局变量,目标状态与目标测量分别构成各自的随机有限集。从而多目标跟踪问题可以放在一个随机集模型下的贝叶斯滤波框架中研究。在每一个滤波周期内,通过对随机集的处理,实时地估计目标的数量、状态与类型,实现多目标的联合检测、跟踪与识别。 相似文献
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构建了后方仓库综合技术保障中心建设方案综合评估指标体系,先运用多人层次分析法对评价指标进行主观赋权,再对指标权值加以客观修正,从而得到较为客观准确的综合权重,最后运用模糊综合评价法对若干备选方案进行评判,得到各备选方案的评级结果,并从中选择最优方案。算例分析表明,该方法能够较好地适用于建设方案的评价,得出的量化描述结果可以作为建设方案评判与选择的参考依据。 相似文献
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Abdurrahim Sıradağ 《African Security Review》2013,22(3-4):308-325
ABSTRACTTurkey has maintained its strategic relations with Africa at the highest level under recent AK Party governments in the field not only of low politics but also of high politics. For example, it opened its largest overseas military base in Somalia in 2017 and signed military, defense and security pacts with more than 25 African countries. This article traces the deep historical and cultural relations with Africa behind its newly evolving foreign policy identity, arguing that its booming economic power has been a significant driving force in shaping a new security strategy. It examines what the growing security involvement means for both Turkey and Africa in order to contribute to the relevant literature through a holistic approach from both theoretical and conceptual perspectives. 相似文献
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Nancy W. Gallagher 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):469-498
ABSTRACTSince the end of the Cold War, arms control proponents tried to make the case for deep nuclear reductions and other forms of security cooperation as necessary for strategic stability. While different versions of strategic stability analysis did sometimes produce innovative proposals, constructive negotiations, and successful ratification campaigns in the past, this analytical framework has become more of a hindrance than a help. Treating arms control as a predominantly technical way to make deterrence more stable by changing force structure characteristics, military operations, relative numbers of weapons on either side, or total number of nuclear weapons gives short shrift to political factors, including the fundamental assumptions about world politics that inform different arms control logics, the quality of political relations among leading states, and the political processes that affect negotiation, ratification, and implementation. This article compares two logics for arms control as a means to enhance strategic stability, one developed by the Cambridge community in the 1960s and one used by the Reagan administration and its successors, with current perspectives on strategic stability in which flexibility and freedom of action are preferable to predictability and arms control. It also contrasts what the Barack Obama administration has tried to achieve through strategic stability dialogues with Russia and China with how they envision security cooperation. It then presents an approach developed during the Cold War by Hedley Bull for thinking about both the technical and the political dimensions of arms control, and suggests that the logic of Cooperative Security (which shares important features with Bull's approach) is a more appropriate and productive way to think about arms control in the twenty-first century than strategic stability analysis is. 相似文献
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