靴形喷油速率耦合预喷射对超高压共轨柴油机性能的影响

在介绍超高压共轨系统工作原理的基础上,基于GT-Power软件建立单缸超高压共轨柴油机的仿真模型,并利用试验验证模型的准确性,而后通过模型分析不同喷油速率、靴形喷油速率耦合不同预喷油量和靴形喷油速率耦合不同预喷提前角对超高压共轨柴油机动力性、经济性以及燃烧排放特性的影响。结果表明:通过调整超高压共轨系统中电控增压器电磁阀和喷油器电磁阀的开启时间,能够实现喷油速率的柔性可调。随着喷油速率从矩形变化到靴形,柴油机缸内压力、温度以及NO_x排放量均逐渐降低,而soot排放量逐渐升高,且靴形喷油速率可使柴油机获得最大的功率(扭矩)和最低的油耗率。靴形喷油速率耦合较小的预喷油量可以使柴油机获得更好的动力性、经济性和燃烧特性,但同时也会导致NO_x排放量的升高。靴形喷油速率耦合较大的预喷提前角有助于改善柴油机排放特性,但受到预喷油量的限制,效果并不明显。     

强爆轰驱动超高速碎片发射装置设计因素分析

为了得到发射装置设计因素和超高速碎片性能间的关系,考虑了药型罩的材料、炸药种类、装药长径比、药型罩的锥角、药型罩的厚度、药型罩顶部靠近装药侧的曲率半径等设计因素,采用AUTODYNTM,结合正交试验,对超高速碎片的发射过程进行数值模拟。结果表明,3种发射装置结构分别可以提供质量为1. 533 g的紫铜碎片、速度为11. 649 km/s的铝碎片、动能为85. 6 k J的铝碎片; 2种发射装置结构均可以提供质量大于1 g、速度高于11 km/s的密实结构圆柱状碎片。验证了仿真方法的可信性,对影响碎片性能的设计因素进行了分析、排序,并得到了这些设计因素与碎片质量、速度、动能的关系。     

Competitive Statehood in Libya: Governing Differently a Specific Setting or Deconstructing its Weak Sovereign State with a Fateful Drift Toward Chaos?

Abstract

Libya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands.     

A Question of ‘Government’ Control: Afghanistan DDR Programs Since 2001

Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs.     

Multilateral defense cooperation in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region: Tentative steps toward a regional NATO?

Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible.     

Forced displacement and behavioral change: an empirical study of returnee households in the Nuba Mountains

We use a unique data-set gathered during a short-lived interwar period in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan to compare characteristics of the households returning after the conflict with those that stayed in their communities of origin. We found that returning households seemed to face worse economic conditions, particularly in the case of female-headed returnee households. Nevertheless, our results show that returnees tend to perform better on different health indicators. Using a detailed set of variables about hygiene and sanitary habits, we explore the hypothesis that the latter result may be related to changes in attitudes given the distinct experiences during displacement. We show that returnees are indeed more likely to adopt these measures.     

舰艇编队作战系统的武器目标分配问题

设我方m艘战舰,对方n个来袭目标.运用灰色局势决策求得目标对各个战舰产生的威胁值排序;再用模拟退火算法,参考目标威胁,单舰根据自身装载的火力发射进行初步武器分配;最后将分配结果传送至融合中心,应用大系统理论的分解协调法,协调武器分配,使得我方武器对本批目标的打击概率最大.仿真基于VC++编程实现,具体分析了算法及思想的可行性.     

远距离反坦克导弹最新发展述评

系统地论述了当前世界范围内各式远距离反坦克导弹的研究、发展、应用、升级改造思路和更新换代情况,以及一些知名公司的研制和发展特色;指出远射程、高精度、大威力,以及良好的适配能力和多用途化将成为其发展的重点。     

基于SEA的炮兵声测和雷达组网的作战效能分析

反炮兵侦察是炮兵侦察的一项重要任务,声测和雷达是反炮兵侦察的主要装备.针对SEA方法的要求,提出了评估由炮兵声测和雷达组网作战效能的3个主要性能度量(MOP).结合信息化战场环境,建立炮兵声测和雷达组网的作战效能的动态评估模型,为其作战使用提供了理论依据.     

基于ADC的炮兵激光观测仪侦察效能分析

运用了效能分析方法,针对复杂战场环境下炮兵侦察系统的效能进行分析,特别是炮兵激光观测仪,揭示其内在规律,为提高现有侦察装备的作战效能找到重要途径,也为指挥员的决策提供可靠的战略支持.在侦察系统效能分析理论的基础上,对典型的激光观测仪侦察装备进行了计算评估验证,其方法和成果可供其他武器系统效能评估时借鉴参考.