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261.
新能源战略的实施是我国能源战略调整的重要内容,也是经济可持续发展的重要保证。研究了氢能、燃料电池、"可燃冰"、洁净煤等新能源在开发、生产、储运和使用过程中存在的消防安全问题,并提出了相应的消防安全对策,为确保国家能源战略调整的顺利实施提供技术支持。 相似文献
262.
介绍了天津奥林匹克中心体育场工程消防安全疏散设计存在若干与现行消防规范及相关技术标准不相符之处,但采用性能化设计的理念,对人员安全疏散设计进行分析评估,得出结论认为设计能满足人员安全疏散标准,即该工程的消防安全疏散设计是安全的。 相似文献
263.
马清骅 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(12):56-58
纺织涂层工艺是纺织行业深加工不可缺少的组成部分,纺织涂层行业在带来经济效益的同时,也带来了诸多安全生产隐患。简要介绍了纺织涂层技术,分析了纺织涂层行业的火灾危险性,从完善安全技术法规、完善安全管理体系、建立安全管理机构、严格审批等方面提出了相应的消防安全对策和建议。 相似文献
264.
刘勇 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(12):28-30
以现代灭火救援行动中存在的安全隐患为切入口,归纳出爆燃、危险品、烟雾、高温、井坑池、电流和建筑物坍塌等七种主要威胁灭火人员安全的危险隐患,详细解析了这七种危险源形成原因和危害特点,并针对灭火救援行动,提出了相应的防范措施。 相似文献
265.
从喷漆大厅火灾爆炸危险源、全部气化的危险性两个方面分析了空客A320飞机喷漆车间的火灾爆炸危险性,并对喷漆车间爆炸危险区域进行了划分,提出了在飞机喷漆车间设计中应采取的安全措施。 相似文献
266.
Susan Turner Haynes 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):427-447
ABSTRACTWhile most contemporary analyses of South Asian nuclear dynamics acknowledge the presence of a strategic triangle between the region’s three nuclear players, the primary focus usually remains on the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Discussions of Sino-Indian relations remain limited. This is likely attributed to the stability in the two countries’ relations, yet it is worth asking why this stability exists and whether it is likely to continue in the future. Although China and India have an acrimonious relationship, their asymmetric nuclear capabilities and threat perceptions mitigate the danger of a traditional security dilemma. India may perceive China’s nuclear aggrandizement to be a security threat, but the same is not true of China, which has a vastly superior nuclear force and is largely shaping its nuclear-force structure in response to the threat it perceives from the United States. This dynamic makes a serious conventional or nuclear conflict highly unlikely. 相似文献
267.
Covell Meyskens 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):499-517
ABSTRACTThis article examines Chinese views of North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing’s ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing’s endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea’s decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing’s recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program. 相似文献