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61.
针对防空导弹与目标的空间对抗,建立了防空导弹微分对策空间对抗模型,并推算得到了最优策略,运用自适应神经网络评判方法对模型进行求解,通过给定条件下的仿真证明了该算法的有效性,显示了该模型可应用于防空导弹与目标的空间对抗问题。  相似文献   
62.
1978年以来的改革开放,提高了非公经济在国民经济和社会发展中的地位,随之滋生的包括行贿受贿、偷税漏税、国资流失、假冒伪劣、非法获取各种信息在内的现代版“五毒”,如果泛滥于西部大开发的战略展开中,必然会影响西部地区少数民族的利益,成为各民族共同繁荣之路上的隐患。1952年旨在整治资本主义工商业的“五反”运动,为经管西部大开发中的各类非公经济实体提供了有益借鉴。  相似文献   
63.
假设市场为无套利市场,而且市场上只有两种证券:一种是无风险债券;一种是有风险的股票。通过自筹资策略,得到期权价格所满足的倒向随机微分方程(BSDE),利用倒向随机微分方程给出欧式期权价格概率表示;并证明欧式期权的完全套期保值性。  相似文献   
64.
针对大学英语泛读教学中易出现的问题,系统分析了产生这些问题的主观和客观原因,并提出了解决这些问题的具体办法--教师在泛读课上应把握各教学环节,以"参与者"的身份引导学生阅读,是提高学生阅读能力的重要途径.  相似文献   
65.
AirSea Battle (ASB) has generated significant publicity, controversy, and debate among scholars, analysts, commentators, and observers of US defense strategy. However, a research gap exists concerning formal analysis of the impact of the operational concept on the relationship between the US Air Force (USAF) and the US Navy (USN). The impact of the ASB operational concept on the USAF–USN relationship is examined across the issue areas of strategy, budgets, weapons procurement, and training. These four issue areas represent important areas of historical conflict and competition between the Air Force and Navy. The conclusion is that ASB is ushering in a new era of Air Force–Navy partnership that advances the inter-service dynamic from “jointness” toward integration. The emergent USAF–USN partnership therefore represents a significant development in US defense politics and defense strategy.  相似文献   
66.
矩阵变换器自抗扰控制策略研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
矩阵变换器的输出电压易受各种因素的影响,为了改善输出性能,将自抗扰控制技术应用于矩阵变换器的闭环控制中。分析了自抗扰控制器的特性,提出了一种双闭环自抗扰控制策略,即电流内环与电压外环均采用一阶简化的自抗扰控制算法。仿真结果表明:该方法不仅可以有效地抑制多种扰动的影响,而且比PI控制具有更优的动静态性能,可满足高性能矩阵变换器系统的控制要求。  相似文献   
67.
协同作战是提高体系作战能力,发挥整体作战效能的关键,针对单兵班组在未来信息化条件下单兵作战单元协同作战的协同模式、协同流程、协同策略,协同指挥、协同作战效能评估等方面进行阐释,对未来单兵信息系统班组协同作战技术研究具有一定的指导意义。  相似文献   
68.
In the face of rapid technological change and the creation of ambitious military modernisation programmes, this paper argues that land forces, in managing the relationship between force levels and the adoption of military robotics, must recognise that there are inherent limits to techno-centric force reduction efforts and realise the inefficacy of substituting skilled soldiers with robots. It begins with an overview of how the proper integration of robotics into a military’s force structure can improve capability, save lives and potentially reduce costs, but suggests that common accounts of robot utility are exaggerated and endanger the risk assessment processes governing the adoption of said technologies and relevant personnel settings. The paper explores the limits of robotic solutions to military problems, discussing their technical limitations, redundancy and related issues that, when combined with a technico-moral skills degradation problem also detailed within, point to the need to reshape force structures to suit the adoption of robotics while preserving existing levels of human staffing.  相似文献   
69.
The terrorist attacks in France and Belgium of 2015–2016 that occurred while these countries were in a heightened state of alert raise questions about indications and warning methodology as well as effectiveness of the blanket-protection deployment of security services assisted even by the military. Response and perhaps even more anticipation may require strategic rethinking in light of the predatory attacks that target the most vulnerable spots of the public space. This study looks at threat analysis in Belgium as conducted through her intelligence fusion centre Coordination Unit for Threat Analysis (CUTA)?????? since its inception in 2006. With a special focus on what is known, at the time of writing, about the terrorist attacks in Paris and Brussels, this study hopes to put into context how the system (mal)functions and will also consider the preventive measures that respond to the threat, and the international aspects which have implications far beyond Belgian borders. Therefore, a case is made for not just a Belgian homeland security framework, but one that fits into an EU-wide security concept.  相似文献   
70.
There is a growing view that the emerging brand of Chinese regional diplomacy in recent years is increasingly assertive. This article attempts to make better sense of this perceived more forceful Chinese diplomacy. It argues that Chinese regional behavior is more profitably understood through the lens of a two-pronged foreign policy strategy that combines two particular aspects. One is a tougher and more uncompromising approach toward issues that China regards as concerning its core interests. The other is a more flexible and cooperative position toward interests that, while significant, are of secondary importance.  相似文献   
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