排序方式: 共有240条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
231.
Beatrice Heuser 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2014,25(4):741-753
When twentieth-century authors wrote about ‘partisan warfare’, they usually meant an insurgency or asymmetric military operations conducted against a superior force by small bands of ideologically driven irregular fighters. By contrast, originally (i.e. before the French Revolution) ‘partisan’ in French, English, and German referred only to the leader of a detachment of special forces (party, partie, Parthey, détachement) which the major European powers used to conduct special operations alongside their regular forces. Such special operations were the classic definition of ‘small war’ (petite guerre) in the late seventeenth and in the eighteenth centuries. The Spanish word ‘la guerrilla’, meaning nothing other than ‘small war’, only acquired an association with rebellion with the Spanish War of Independence against Napoleon. Even after this, however, armies throughout the world have continued to employ special forces. In the late nineteenth century, their operations have still been referred to as prosecuting ‘la guerrilla’ or ‘small war’, which existed side by side with, and was often mixed with, ‘people's war’ or popular uprisings against hated regimes. 相似文献
232.
针对航母编队对岸电子进攻作战提出了一种航母编队阵位确定的方法。基于航母编队在对岸电子进攻中的任务,提出了航母编队与岸边距离的基本要求,建立了航母编队与岸边距离的数学模型,仿真计算了模型中各个参数对航母编队与岸边距离的影响。这些模型可用于航母编队在对岸电子进攻中确定航母的阵位,满足航母编队作战使用的需要。 相似文献
233.
部队后勤战备物资储备节点是后勤战备物资储备的核心。着眼于武警部队后勤战备物资保障实际,结合物流节点选址的基本理论,构建了武警部队后勤战备物资储备节点的一元和多元选址模型,讨论了选址模型的应用思路。既是拓展武警部队后勤保障理论的有益探索,也能为武警部队后勤战备物资储备管理提供很好的决策依据。 相似文献
234.
富国和强军是我国现代化建设的战略任务,是发展中国特色社会主义、实现中华民族伟大复兴的重要基石。从我党富国强军之路的探索及其引发的思考,分析了党对富国与强军、经济建设与国防建设这一重大战略思想的艰苦探索历程和理论创新轨迹,从一个侧面体现了我党对大党大国执政规律的清醒认识。 相似文献
235.
为了贯彻和落实《中国人民解放军政治工作条例》和《中国人民解放军思想政治教育大纲》,进一步探索坚持用科学理论指导思想政治教育工作、树立思想政治教育的科学理念、充实和丰富思想政治教育的内容、创新思想政治教育的形式方法,对于增强公安边防部队基层思想政治教育的实效性具有重要意义。 相似文献
236.
吴玲 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(4):56-58
全国消防部队先后在各级建立了财务集中核算中心,按照统一的财务规章制度对本级及其所属单位一切经费进行集中核算、集中监管。但是,现行核算中心会计监督职能的发挥仍存在一些不足,文章对此进行了分析。并提出强化消防部队会计监督职能的建议。 相似文献
237.
238.
Diego Esparza Santiago Arca Henon Hope Dewell Gentry 《Defense & Security Analysis》2020,36(3):314-334
ABSTRACT There have been over 90,000 UN peacekeepers deployed around the world to 78 peacekeeping operations (PKOs) in over 125 countries since 1948. Some scholars have made the case that these missions have had a positive impact on the relationship between the military and the civilians they work for. However, other scholars have identified a negative impact on civil military relations (CMR). This paper contributes to this debate by investigating how peacekeeping has impacted civil-military relations in Latin America's most prolific contributor to peacekeeping: Uruguay. This paper finds that PKOs in Uruguay have facilitated post-transitions attempts by civilians to build first-generation control, but not second-generation control. Further, PKOs have marginally improved military effectiveness, but we find that they do not improve societal trust in the armed forces. 相似文献
239.
Colin D. Robinson 《Defense & Security Analysis》2020,36(1):109-122
ABSTRACTGrouping warships for combat has evolved greatly over the centuries. In the early 1940s, the United States Navy began to group its warships for combat in much more flexible task forces than the previous single-type-of-warship formations. This system has evolved and spread to naval forces ashore but remains fundamentally unchanged. It now covers numbers between 1 to over 1000, of which the most prominent is the first 100 or so which U.S. Navy combat forces use. The numbered fleets worldwide utilize the series covering 20-79; 1-19 and 90-99 appear to be reserved for special allocations and Commander, Pacific Fleet; numbers over 80 to the Atlantic; 100-119 for Northern Europe and briefly Tenth Fleet; the 120 series for Second Fleet as a Joint Task Force leader; the 150 series for Naval Forces Central Command; and the 180 series for Atlantic Fleet and now-Fleet Forces Command. 相似文献
240.
ABSTRACTThe aim of the current study is to discuss which particular factors Russia considers as sufficient deterrent capabilities and whether the national defence models implemented in the Baltic countries have the potential to deter Russia's military planners and political leadership. Whilst the existing conventional reserves of NATO are sizeable, secure, and rapid, deployment is still a critical variable in case of a conflict in the Baltic countries because of the limited range of safe transportation options. However, whilst the Baltic States are developing their capabilities according to the priorities defined by NATO in 2010; which were updated after the invasion of Crimea in 2014, Russian military planners have meanwhile redesigned both their military doctrine and military forces, learning from the experience of the Russo-Georgian war, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and other recent confrontations. Accordingly, there is a risk that the efforts of the Baltic countries could prove rather inefficient in deterring Russia. 相似文献