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为了解决机动目标定位跟踪问题,提出了一种基于CS(current statistical)模型的交互式多模型粒子滤波算法.在交互式多模型粒子滤波算法的基础上,计算CS模型的概率,自适应地调整CS模型中的目标加速度,反映出了目标的机动特性,充分发挥2种算法的优点,改善了CS模型的加速度不能自适应调整的缺点,提高了CS模型的自适应性和应用范围.另外,CS模型的自适应滤波方法由Kalman滤波改为粒子滤波.通过Monte Carlo对比仿真试验表明了该算法的可行性和优越性. 相似文献
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针对色噪声环境下的MIMO雷达相干目标角度估计问题,提出一种基于目标信息矢量重构的角度估计算法.算法对MIMO雷达的接收数据进行了低复杂度改进,通过计算四阶累积量,得到一组矢量并证明该矢量包含所有目标的角度信息,通过重构Toeplitz矩阵,结合MUSIC算法实现了色噪声环境下MIMO雷达相干目标的角度估计.算法保留了MIMO雷达的阵元扩展能力和目标分辨力,具有自动抑制加性高斯白噪声和色噪声的能力,实现了相干目标的有效估计,更利于在实际中应用.最后计算机仿真结果证实了算法的有效性和可行性. 相似文献
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摘要:为提高装甲车辆蓄电池充电装置的环境适应性和安全性,解决传导式电能传输不适合旋转部件的难题,提出一种基于串联谐振式变换器的感应式电能传输系统.该系统是采用旋转式耦合器,以耦合器的漏感为谐振电感,应用全桥式串联谐振功率变换器的电能传输系统.利用所设计的感应式电能传输试验装置,进行了不同气隙条件下的功率传输和初、次级电流对比试验,试验结果表明:随着耦合器气隙增大,电能传输效率呈现斜率渐缓式减小趋势,励磁电感减小,励磁电流变大,耦合器的铁损增加,系统的功率因数降低. 相似文献
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Daniel Goure 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(1):17-35
In 2009, the Obama administration announced a new missile defense strategy, termed a phased-adaptive architecture (PAA) focused primarily on countering the growing threat from theater ballistic missiles. The success of this strategy is predicated on the rapid development and fielding of successive increments of defensive capability in a manner adapted to the specific requirements for missile defenses in different regions of the world. The administration is committed to building a European regional missile defense system, the European PAA or EPAA between now and 2020. The first elements of the EPAA were deployed in late 2011. However, much progress is still required in order to reach the goals set for the PAA. This article addresses the technological, operational and political issues confronting the Obama administration in its efforts to make the PAA a reality. 相似文献
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Stephen Blank 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(1):36-54
Asia, where nuclear powers already interact (including North Korea), exerts a growing influence on the thinking and policy underlying Russia's current and future nuclear (and overall defense) posture. China's rise is forcing Russia into a greater reliance on strategic offensive weapons and tactical nuclear weapons. These in turn will reinforce its opposition to US missile defenses, not only in Europe but also in Asia. Russia must now entertain the possibility of nuclear use in regional conflicts that would otherwise remain purely conventional. It cannot be postulated blindly that nuclear weapons serve no discernible purpose other than to deter nuclear attacks by other nuclear powers. The strategic equation in Asia and in the Russian Far East convincingly demonstrates the falsity of this approach. Nuclear weapons will be the essential component of Russia's regional defense policy if not of its overall policies – and this also includes contingencies in Europe. 相似文献
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Björn Hagelin 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(2):163-175
From the recipients’ perspective, arms transfers have, through the use of offsets, technology transfers, and industrial participation, become an opportunity to receive not only advanced weapons, but also technologies not otherwise available. How important are friendly relations for securing a military export order? To what extent do buyers demand advanced military or commercial technology and how are these demands accepted by the supplier? How does this influence smaller producers in relation to major producers? These questions are addressed by studying (a) the Joint Strike Fighter/F-35 by Lockheed Martin, USA, and the JAS-39 Gripen aircraft by Saab, Sweden, (b) the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft competition in India for 126 combat aircraft, and (c) the Indian offset policy. In the final section, some long-term consequences are discussed. 相似文献
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Henry U. Ufomba 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(4):360-367
Apart from North Korea, no state's nuclear program in the twenty-first century has raised more concern to international security than Iran's. While Iran insists that its nuclear program is strictly for civilian purpose in line with Article IV of non-proliferation treaty, the USA and its allies insist that Iran has military intentions and called for sanctions. The failure of sanctions to deter Iran from its nuclear agenda had made many scholars and policy-makers call for a preemptive attack on Iranian nuclear facilities. Situated within this debate, this paper positions itself as an antagonist to the preemptive airstrike option and argues that involving India in a possible nuclear “iron curtain” against Iran – a move known as technical isolation – remains the best option to the current nuclear crises. 相似文献
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