管道机器人在三通处的通过性分析

三通是管道机器人经常遇到的典型障碍之一,克服该障碍的能力用管道机器人在三通处通过性来描述。文中提出一种描述差压驱动式管道机器人三通通过性的数学模型,该模型由一组组合约束构成。通过对约束方程的分析讨论、与管道机器人弯道通过性的对比分析,得出了规律性的结论。管道机器人在三通处的姿态、单元体的几何尺寸、行走轮结构形式对其通过性都有不同程度的影响。所提出数学模型是管道机器人三通自主行走控制策略设计和相应结构设计的理论基础。     

富营养化水体修复技术的研究现状

湖泊、水库的富营养化已经成为当今世界最主要的环境问题之一。针对富营养化治理的关键问题、治理现状以及目前富营养化水体的一些主要修复技术进行了简要的阐述,并指出防治水体富营养化是一项复杂的系统工程,必须坚持从控制污染源出发,重点开展生态修复,完善管理对策,有计划地逐步实施。     

悬浮固相颗粒对储集层基质孔隙的堵塞规律研究

应用胜利油区8个不同区块的岩心及注入水,采用岩心流动实验手段,研究了注入水中悬浮颗粒对储层孔隙的堵塞特征,发现悬浮颗粒对储层的堵塞特征表现为孔隙逐步堵塞和迅速堵塞两种类型;悬浮颗粒浓度低且孔径与粒径的比值较大时易形成孔隙避步堵塞;悬浮颗粒浓度大或孔径与粒径的比值较小时易形成迅速堵塞;悬浮颗粒对储层的堵塞程度、堵塞类型是颗粒浓度、颗粒粒径与储层孔喉匹配综合作用的结果;迅速堵塞特征的初始堵塞效果主要取决于孔径与粒径的匹配关系,最终堵塞效果主要与注入水中的颗粒浓度有关;高浓度的小颗粒对孔隙基质的堵塞特征表现为迅速堵塞。     

Military Off the Shelf Procurements: A Norwegian Case Study

Buying off the shelf procurements (OTS) has become an important part of the national acquisition strategy in several countries, and this paper seeks to bring empirical evidence on OTS as the preferred acquisition strategy by use of data from 2015 to 2022 investment portfolio of the Norwegian Armed Forces. We develop definitions for three categories of procurement – OTS, modified OTS and development projects – as well as a method to classify projects into these categories. Our first finding is that the characteristics of OTS projects correspond to modified OTS and development projects. Our second finding indicates that OTS projects perform better when it comes to the completion of projects according to the initial schedule, compared to development projects.     

Regular and irregular forces in conflict: nineteenth century insurgencies in South America

ABSTRACT

In the decades following independence from Spain, ‘civil wars’ ravaged the newly established polities in South America. Former vice-regal capitals inherited a larger portion of the colonial administration and had larger economic resources and a hegemonic project they were able to have permanent and professional armed forces, capable of leading the offensive and giving battle following the European rules of military art. The central hypothesis of this work is that there is a necessary relationship between the shape of these asymmetrical conflicts, their outcome and the political territorial configuration of each country in post-revolutionary Spanish America. When permanent armies took over from local militias, the capital kept the integrity of its territories and there was a tendency towards political centralization. When this did not happen and the militias managed to find a way to defeat their centralizing enemies, the local powers had an opportunity to renegotiate their participation in the political body, and sought to maintain their independence, which was manifest in federal agreements, otherwise a process of territorial fragmentation began. More than a difference between regular and irregular forces there was one between intermittent, and permanent mobilization.     

Casualty Rates of US Military Personnel During the Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan

Abstract

In Operation Iraqi Freedom, which ended in August 2010, nearly 3500 hostile deaths occurred among US military personnel and 32,000 more were wounded in action (WIA). More than 1800 hostile deaths occurred during Operation Enduring Freedom (in and around Afghanistan) through 2014 and about 20,000 were WIA. A larger proportion of wounded personnel survived in Iraq and Afghanistan than during the Vietnam War, but the increased survival rates were not as high as some studies have asserted. The survival rates were 90.2% in Iraq and 91.6% in Afghanistan, compared with 86.5% in Vietnam. The casualty rates varied between the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan and before, during, and after the respective surges. Amputation rates are difficult to measure consistently, but I estimate that 2.6% of all WIA and 9.0% of medically evacuated WIA from the Iraq and Afghanistan theaters combined resulted in the major loss of a limb. Elevated non-hostile death rates (including deaths due to accidents, illnesses, homicides, or suicides) resulted in about 220 more deaths in Iraq and about 200 more deaths in Afghanistan than would have been expected in peacetime among populations of the size deployed to those two conflicts.     

A Good Ally - Norway and International Statebuilding in Afghanistan, 2001-2014

The article examines the findings of the Commission of Inquiry established by the Norwegian government in 2014 to evaluate all aspects of Norway’s civilian and military contribution to the international operation in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2014. Concerned with the wider implications of the Commission’s findings, it focuses on two issues in particular: (1) Norway’s relations with the US, a close and long-standing strategic ally whose resources, capabilities and dominance of decision-making dwarfed that of all other coalition partners in Afghanistan; and (2) Norway’s record in the province of Faryab, where, from 2005 to 2012, a Norwegian-led Provincial Reconstruction Team was charged with bringing security, good governance and development to the province. How Norway prioritised and managed relations with the US highlights and helps to problematise the challenges – political, practical and moral – facing small and medium-sized powers operating in a coalition alongside the US. Norwegian efforts in Faryab are revealing of the dilemmas and contradictions that plagued and, ultimately, fatally undermined the international intervention as a whole. As such, Norway’s experience provides a microcosm through which the inherent limitations of the attempt to transfer the structures of modern statehood and Western democracy to Afghanistan can be better understood.     

A Question of ‘Government’ Control: Afghanistan DDR Programs Since 2001

Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs.     

生命哲学视角下西部高校教师职业幸福感研究

幸福是人生追求的永恒主题,在以人为本的理念下,高等教育更为关注人的生命,人的生命存在方式。面对信息相对闭塞、生活环境相对恶劣、管理体制相对落后等无奈状况,西部高校教师职业幸福感如何？对于该问题的研究有利于促进教师心理健康发展,提升教师幸福感,提高教育教学质量。研究发现西部高校教师职业感受以不幸福为主;幸福感来源单一,主要来自于学生的行为表现;导致不幸福感的因素主要以压力大、学生问题、缺乏认可等因素为主。研究从生命哲学视角出发认为高校教师存在的应然意义在于“诗意栖息”,但实然状况下高校教师的“诗意存在”被现实消解,“创造性地栖息”、“精神相遇地栖息”是冲破藩篱、回归“诗意居住”幸福生活的路径。     

新疆兵团中小学双语教育质量调查及对策研究--以兵团第三师为例

双语教育质量是兵团民族教育的关键,直接影响高素质少数民族人才的培养。本文在深入调查的基础上,研究兵团中小学双语教育质量及其现状,通过对影响双语教育质量的各个因素进行分析,总结双语教育中存在的问题,并在此基础上提出加强校本培训和师资队伍建设,完善双语教材及考核评价体系等对策。