尾流自导鱼雷双雷二次转角齐射

针对尾流自导鱼雷在小舷角或者大舷角态势下,使用正常的双雷平行齐射有可能导致鱼雷的入尾流角度θ不满足要求(在30°到150°之间)的问题,提出并建立了含θ为参数的双雷二次转角齐射模型,一方面通过鱼雷的二次转角来使入尾流角度满足要求,另一方面通过双雷齐射提高发现概率.仿真结果表明,该方法基本能够满足特殊态势条件下对于发现概率的射击要求,前提条件是要根据不同的态势及不同的目标运动要素情况,选择不同的θ以获得最佳的射击效果.     

论高校“形势与政策”课程建设

本文对“形势与政策”课的基本任务、基本特点进行了分析,并就如何加强“形势与政策”课程建设问题进行了探讨。     

Governmental Re-organization in Counterinsurgency Context: Foreign Policy Program Transfer and Operation Switchback in South Vietnam

Foreign policy program transfer, the shifting of implementation responsibility for a foreign policy program from one organization to another, is a ubiquitous, yet under-studied, counterinsurgency phenomenon. This article conceptually develops program transfer as an important object of study; analyzes, using archival sources, an empirical case of program transfer, Operation Switchback, drawn from US counterinsurgency practice in South Vietnam; and formulates two preliminary theoretical claims related to program transfer: (1) transferred programs will tend to be altered in accordance with the characteristics of the gaining organization, and (2) program transfer may act as a signal or early-warning indicator of foreign policy change.     

基于年龄更换策略的威布尔分布备件需求计算方法

备件需求量预测在装备保障工作中发挥着重要作用。预防性维修可以消除装备潜在的故障或避免装备发生故障后所导致的严重后果,从而使装备始终处于期望状态。预防性维修策略下备件需求量建模能够以可预见的可靠性数据为基础进行,其关键问题是最佳更换间隔时间的确定。针对威布尔分布装备备件,采用年龄更换策略,确定最佳更换间隔时间,并在此基础上导出威布尔型备件需求计算模型,为备件需求量的预测提供了一种简单有效的方法。     

美军军官职业军事教育政策探析

美军在军事人才培养的体系构筑、目标设定、课目设置等方面有着众多独到之处。《军官职业军事教育政策》是美军规范军官职业军事教育的指导性文件,研究掌握其核心内容的发展演变,从中提取美军职业教育改革的先进理念和成熟做法,可为我军军事职业教育建设提供经验借鉴。     

The underlying causes of military outsourcing in the USA and UK: bridging the persistent gap between ends,ways and means since the beginning of the Cold War

This article reappraises the two most-studied country cases of military outsourcing: the USA and the UK. It argues that the contemporary wave of military contracting stretches back to the beginning of the cold war and not only to the demobilisation of armies in the 1990s or the neoliberal reforms introduced since the 1980s. It traces the political, technological and ideational developments that laid the groundwork for these reforms and practices since the early cold war and account for its endurance today. Importantly, it argues that a persistent gap between strategic objectives and resources, i.e. the challenge to reconcile ends and means, is an underlying driver of military contracting in both countries. Contemporary contracting is thus most closely tied to military support functions in support of wider foreign and defence political objectives. Security services in either state may not have been outsourced so swiftly, if at all, without decades of experience in outsourcing military logistics functions and the resultant vehicles, processes and familiarities with public-private partnerships. The article thus provides a wider and deeper understanding of the drivers of contractualisation, thereby improving our understanding of both its historical trajectory and the determinants of its present and potential futures.     

世界科研诚信建设的动向及其对我国的启示

许多国家和国际性科学组织在科研诚信建设方面都开展了大量工作。目前,国内对于国外这方面的做法和经验,特别是近年来的最新实践只有零星的报道。文章比较全面地介绍国外科研诚信建设的主要发展动向和各国面临的一些共同挑战,进而分析提出其对我国科研诚信建设策略的启示,并就今后应加强的若干方面工作提出建议。     

TERRORISM AND DETERRENCE POLICY WITH TRANSNATIONAL SUPPORT 1

This study provides an explanation of terrorism by examining interactions between the terrorist group with a minority as a potential pool of recruits and the government supported by a majority. A hawkish deterrence policy makes it more risky for terrorists to launch attacks, but heightens the anti‐government feeling of the terrorist group. In addition, the payoff for the government depends not only on the payoff loss associated with the level of terrorism, but also on the political payoff from the action itself of adopting a hawk policy due to its politicians’ vested interests. We first show that whether the deterrence policy should be ‘hawk to ‘dove is closely dependent on the relationships among the risk associated with terrorism, the anti‐government feeling of the terrorist group, and the political payoff for the government. This study then introduces transnational support enhancing the capability of a terrorist group to intensify its activity and shows that the emergence of transnational support may cause the government to reform its deterrence policy from ‘dove’ toward ‘hawk,’ with terrorism intensified in the society.     

Country Survey XIII: Japan's security posture and defense industry prospects

Defense budgets in Japan have been complicated compromises from numerous inputs ‐ including threat perceptions, domestic industrial/technological base development, support for the bilateral security treaty with the United States and internal bureaucratic politics ‐ but with the fall of the former Soviet Union, the clearest justification for higher spending disappeared. Double‐digit defense spending increases that were common in the 1980s have been replaced by annual increases lower than present inflation rates, resulting in negative real growth in the country's defense budget. Domestic economic problems and consistent government pressures for smaller budgets have further slowed annual growth in total spending and have contributed to lower procurement budgets. As a result, the domestic Japanese defense industry is facing far more constrained conditions from the growth years of a decade before.

Government policymakers are examining Japan's regional security environment as well as its alliance with the United States to determine the appropriate course for the country to take in the coming years. The formal security treaty with the United States is likely to remain a major element of government positions, but other aspects of the country's overall security posture are open to debate. Perceptions of a reduced threat environment are fueling additional pressures for defense budget cuts.

The domestic defense industry seeks means to assure its survival in domestic defense markets in this constrained environment. Expansion into overseas markets to offset declining domestic markets is an option that currently is constrained by policy restrictions on arms exports. Industry is advocating re‐examination of those policies and unlike earlier years, government appears willing to respond positively but cautiously to this lobbying.     

How not to pay for the war

As a result of allied subsidy and the influence of sunk costs, the marginal cost of the Gulf War to the US was reduced to negligible size. This result is at variance with the Olson‐Zeckhauser thesis that in an alliance “the small exploit the large.” A game theoretic alternative explanation suggests that the relation between allies resembles the game of Chicken, successfully played by the US. The ability to shift the marginal costs of war in the short term raises questions about the possible underestimation of long term effects.