爱民固边的战略思维论要

爱民固边战略是＂十一五＂时期公安边防部队在建设社会主义和谐社会中的一项重大战略部署。＂十二五＂时期,形势任务更加严峻,必须进一步找准爱民固边是促进边境经济社会发展的新型人民战争的战略定位,完善以战略目的、战略原则、战略力量、战略措施为主要内容的战略架构体系,有效探索＂爱民—固边—发展—固边—利民＂的战略路线图,突出＂维稳主导、服务民生、强基固本、多元联动＂等战略重点,坚持＂并轨发展、标本兼治、无缝对接＂基本战略路径,使爱民固边战略更加系统化、规范化,纵深推进,打造公安边防特有品牌,不断产生更大的政治社会价值。     

大型活动安保工作的基本模式

安保工作是大型活动的重要组成部分和保障系统。如何提高安保质量和水平,确保大型活动安全有序是我国政府和公安机关普遍关注的一个重要课题。大型活动安保工作的基本模式包括统一组织指挥,实行整体作战;组织安保力量,加强业务培训;拟制安保计划,组织实战演练;划定安全区域,立体多维防控;采用高新技术,强化安保措施;加强国际合作,密切协同配合等内容。     

Civil-military relations and human security in a post-dictatorship

This article explores current developments in Chile, where since the return to democracy in 1990, the elected authorities have reconfigured the nation’s military resources in favour of four action pillars: peacekeeping and international conflict management, landmine removal and gun disarmament, emergency and catastrophe response, and a concern for human, economic and social rights. Successive defence policies offer a valuable case study for exploring the trade-offs between security, traditional and non-traditional threat management and institutional capabilities. The article argues that human security policymaking is not free from undesired outcomes; specifically, regarding how to reconvene the role of the armed forces when conventional war seems a thing of the past. The paper focuses on the interagency policy implications and the challenges ahead for civilians and the military.     

美国网络安全战略管理体系分析

文章从美国政府颁布的政策文件、法律法规和各机构部门的职能三个方面,对美国网络安全战略管理体系进行了介绍和分析。     

我国警卫工作改进历程考察与思考

在考察我国警卫工作改进历程的基础上,对警卫工作改进进行了深入思考。提出我国警卫工作改进始终坚持“既要保证安全,又不脱离群众”这一主题;始终坚持党委和政府的领导,坚持制度化、规范化建设;体现在路线警卫工作、住地警卫工作和现场警卫工作三个方面。     

基于IP层的保密通信技术研究及实现

针对W indows2000下自带的IPSec与L inux的IPSec相互通讯比较困难的问题,对L inux IPSec、ND IS网络驱动程序以及WDM设备驱动程序进行了研究,在W indows平台下设计并实现了一个基于中间层驱动程序的IP-Sec,它能与L inux IPSec通讯。中间层驱动程序对过往的数据包进行加密或者解密操作是通过WDM设备驱动程序与上层应用程序的通讯机制,以此来实现应用层与内核的双向通讯,即应用层向内核传递密钥及其他配置信息,内核向上层应用程序提供底层的配置信息。此外,在L inux IPSec源代码的基础上增加了安全审计功能,具体测试结果表明,这个系统可以与L inux IPSec通信。     

Neglected but affected: voices from the oil-producing regions of Ghana and Uganda

The ‘resource curse’ is the paradoxical theory frequently used to explain how a seemingly desirable asset, such as oil, can actually pervert an economy, erode governance, perpetuate conflict, and ruin local communities to the extent that it becomes a curse. New oil discoveries in western Ghana and western Uganda have raised concerns for the democratic prospects and future stability of these countries and their surrounding regions. Based on field interviews in these oil-producing regions, this report summarises how local communities have been affected thus far and their concerns for the future. The authors assess the extent to which each country is vulnerable to oil-induced instability, and identify groups or communities that would be most likely to perpetuate it. Lastly, it provides some assessment of the future trajectory of each country.     

Political transition to democracy

This paper argues that the crisis of electoral democracy in Zimbabwe and Cote d'Ivoire is a result of underlying structural and institutional deficiencies within national and regional multinational institutions. It assesses the extent to which they have been ‘enablers’ or ‘spoilers’ of electoral-based transitions to democracy. Yet it avoids generalisations of the security sector's involvement in political transitions. In terms of structure, the paper is divided into four sections. Section one will briefly discuss the theoretical perspectives of the election-democracy trajectory. It argues that although elections are a major variable for democracy, unless the ‘ecology of elections’ is conducive, elections may not be an instrument of transition to democracy. The second section analyses the militarisation of politics and the role of the security sector in aiding or stalling democratisation. Section three will assess the role of regional organisations such as the Southern African Development Community, Economic Community of West African States and the African Union in electoral-based political transitions in Africa. Lastly, the paper will discuss how the security sector and multinational African institutions can aid political transitions to democracy in troubled African countries.