装备维修社会化研究

新型装备的科技含量不断提升,战场透明度不断增大,装备的损坏率也在不断提高,如何快速抢修损坏装备,恢复其保障能力,是事关战争胜负的一个关键环节。针对装备维修力量如何满足未来信息化战争装备保障需求,分析了装备维修社会化的必要性与可行性,提出了装备维修社会化的模式构想。     

基于支持向量机的功率变换器开关管开路故障诊断

提出一种基于支持向量机的功率变换器开关管开路故障诊断方法。利用支持向量机建立分类模型,模型以相电流功率谱为输入量,7种故障状态为输出量,选用高斯核,使用基于二叉树分类器的分类算法。将诊断结果与基于BP神经网络的诊断结果进行比较,结果表明基于支持向量机的分类器在功率变换器开关管开路故障诊断中具有更高的准确率和更好的泛化能力。     

基于垂直线列阵的深海被动目标定深误差

首先研究了在深海环境下,采用三阵元垂直线列阵水声探测系统进行被动目标定深的基本原理。然后分别从随机误差、阵元配置偏差和相干多途水声信道干扰的角度,对被动目标定深的误差源进行了理论分析,并推导了相关公式。通过仿真实验,总结出各误差源对被动目标定深精度影响的规律,为进一步开展被动目标定深研究、提高被动目标定深精度奠定了基础。     

基于金属膜电阻的大功率低电感负载

利用金属膜电阻设计并制作了用于陡化前沿Marx发生器调试的大功率低电感负载.其阻值约为90Ω,电感约为55nH,基本不具备分散电容.该负载采用线性渐变的圆锥外型结构,有利于减小信号在负载上的反射,配合电容分压器使用能够很好地完成对前沿约为几ns的快前沿高压脉冲的测量.理论估算了该负载的功率容量,并利用PSpice软件模拟了对其进行脉冲方波加载的情况.该负载用于调试陡化前沿的Marx发生器的实验中,获得了幅值约210kV,脉宽近40ns,前沿为5ns的快前沿高压脉冲.多次实验结果表明该负载性能稳定,适用于陡化前沿Marx发生器的调试工作.     

Regular and irregular forces in conflict: nineteenth century insurgencies in South America

ABSTRACT

In the decades following independence from Spain, ‘civil wars’ ravaged the newly established polities in South America. Former vice-regal capitals inherited a larger portion of the colonial administration and had larger economic resources and a hegemonic project they were able to have permanent and professional armed forces, capable of leading the offensive and giving battle following the European rules of military art. The central hypothesis of this work is that there is a necessary relationship between the shape of these asymmetrical conflicts, their outcome and the political territorial configuration of each country in post-revolutionary Spanish America. When permanent armies took over from local militias, the capital kept the integrity of its territories and there was a tendency towards political centralization. When this did not happen and the militias managed to find a way to defeat their centralizing enemies, the local powers had an opportunity to renegotiate their participation in the political body, and sought to maintain their independence, which was manifest in federal agreements, otherwise a process of territorial fragmentation began. More than a difference between regular and irregular forces there was one between intermittent, and permanent mobilization.     

Optimal allocation of minimal repairs in parallel and series systems

In reliability engineering, the concept of minimal repair describes that the repair brings the failed unit (eg, system or component) to the situation which is same as it was just before the failure. With the help of the well‐known Gamma‐Poisson relationship, this paper investigates optimal allocation strategies of minimal repairs for parallel and series systems through implementing stochastic comparisons of various allocation policies in terms of the hazard rate, the reversed hazard rate, and the likelihood ratio orderings. Numerical examples are presented to illustrate these findings as well. These results not only strengthen and generalize some known ones in the seminal work of Shaked and Shanthikumar, but also solve the open problems proposed by Chahkandi et al.'s study and Arriaza et al.'s study.     

Intelligence and military doctrine: paradox or oxymoron?

This article examines the evolution of the current British military joint intelligence doctrine. We argue that military intelligence doctrine is dogged by an intrinsic tension between the ethos and expectations of military doctrine and those of the professional practice of intelligence. We further argue not only that prior iterations of UK joint intelligence doctrine failed to effectively deal with this intelligence doctrine dilemma, but also that measures in the current doctrine to address this problem directly created their own problems. Moreover, as a result, otherwise sound innovations in the current UK intelligence doctrine have proven unsuitable to wider diffusion in more recent intelligence doctrine such as the new NATO intelligence doctrine which, otherwise, draws extensively on its British precursor.     

Buy now,pay later: American military intervention and the strategic cost paradox

This paper explores the notion that US efforts to evade the political costs of war paradoxically contribute to the subsequent exacerbation of costs over time. Leaders seek to purchase political capital in the short term by limiting the costs and requirements of military operations, but in doing so cause strategic and political liabilities to mount in the long run. While identification of such behaviour is not new, insufficient attention has been devoted to explaining its causes, dynamics, and manifestations in relation to key decisions on and in war. Evidence derived from studies of recent American discretionary campaigns is analysed to advance an argument with respect to this pattern of self-defeating strategic behaviour.     

The Anglo-American military relationship: Institutional rules,practices, and narratives

The Anglo-American military relationship is a vital yet neglected area of study. This article argues that the British military have actively cultivated a relationship with the U.S. military that has contributed to the longevity of the broader so-called “Special Relationship,” even in the Trump era. The article contends that the complexities of the military relationship can best be captured by the theoretical lens provided by Lowndes and Roberts that combines different strands of institutionalism to focus on rules, practices, and narratives. The intense linkages between the United States and United Kingdom have become routinized, enabling them to adapt their peacetime cooperation to conflicts, and thereby address post-Cold War security challenges. The article draws upon semi-structured interviews with senior British military officers as well as policy documents to explore how these patterns of collaboration have become ingrained in patterns of both thinking and behavior.     

The Gravity of Arms

The aim of this paper is to investigate the determinants of international arms transfers in a gravity model framework. By distinguishing between the decision to export arms (extensive margin) and the value of the arms exported (intensive margin), while also considering its interdependence, is what differentiates this paper from previous research. A theoretically justified gravity model of trade augmented with political and security motives is estimated using a two-stage panel data approach for 104 exporting countries over the period from 1950 to 2007. In addition to the usual gravity variables related to the economic mass of the trading countries and the trade cost factors, the model is extended with political and security factors. The level of democracy in both trading partners, political differences between trading partners and voting similarity with the United States in the UN General Assembly of the countries engaged in trade are the main political factors, whereas the existence of conflicts, military pacts, and embargoes are taken as security motives. The key result indicates that both political and security motives are an important determinant of an arms trade, but their effects on the extensive margin of exports (the decision to order a transfer) differs from their effect on the intensive margin (average value of exports). Moreover, the relative importance of the factors under study has changed since 1989. In the post-cold war period, countries that are less democratic are more likely to export arms, military pacts are less relevant and embargoes play a role.