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291.
基于模糊证据理论的船舶安全评估 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
针对船舶安全评估过程中的诸多不确定因素,提出了一种基于模糊证据理论的安全评估方法.将证据体空间中的事件视为模糊子集,并引入模糊概率,更好地描述了专家意见(或知识),给出了质量分配函数的表示.最后,结合某船舶系统,给出了其安全评估的具体实现过程.结果表明,该方法可靠、有效. 相似文献
292.
基于A*算法的实时航迹规划方法研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
根据巡航导弹实时航迹规划时效性强、弹载计算设备的运算速度和内存容量有限等特点,将巡航导弹的机动性能约束与规划空间的划分结合起来,构造了一个较小的搜索空间,然后在此缩小了的搜索空间内利用A*算法具有的启发式特点,可在有效时间内搜索到满足要求的可行航迹.最后,通过一个例子对A*算法进行了验证. 相似文献
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介绍了一种用于指挥自动化网络中进行身份认证的USB安全钥安全管理系统,给出了使用USB安全钥进入网络终端时的认证机制,调用与浏览服务器信息时的认证流程,以及USB安全钥软、硬件的设计要点.在该安全钥管理系统中可运行重要软件的关键程序和查询关键信息,有效增强保密强度,安全钥采用USB接口,具有支持热插拔、携带方便等优点. 相似文献
296.
激光武器及其在防空防天体系中的作用 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
蓬勃发展的激光武器已成为武器装备重要发展方向,在未来高技术战争中将发挥潜在的特殊作用。阐述了激光武器的特点、用途及其与传统的寻的制导武器之间的区别,分析了国外激光武器的发展现状,并对激光武器的工作机理及关键技术进行了探讨。 相似文献
297.
故障在线诊分析了测试点电压增量与故障子网络空间的关系,提出了将测试点电压增量投影到子网络空间定位故障子网络的方法.该方法仅需一次测试结果,且不依赖于子网络内的结构和参数,故可用于"黑箱”子网络的故障诊断. 相似文献
298.
Despite problems of violence domestically, Brazil has played a key leadership role as part of MINUSTAH peacekeeping operations in Haiti since 2004. This article addresses how Brazil's international military engagement is shaping domestic approaches to urban security, and what may be the implications of the use of military strategies, operations, and norms to address issues of public security in Brazilian cities. It is argued that current approaches toward urban security employing military-trained peacekeepers actually represent a continuation of old paradigms, yet these recent militarised approaches are likely evolving into newer and potentially more accountable forms by constraining indiscriminate use of force and establishing a positive state presence in marginal urban areas. As such, the article connects long-established issues of dealing with urban violence in Latin America with ongoing debates in the United States and beyond about post-counterinsurgency approaches to increasingly urban conflict settings. It reflects on potential lessons to be learned from the Latin American perspective, while showing also how these have changed over the last decade. The article concludes that despite the potential utility of force in some urban conflict settings, this approach could entail a normative shift towards legitimising forceful containment of violence, and hinder democratic consolidation in Brazil. 相似文献
299.
The ‘resource curse’ is the paradoxical theory frequently used to explain how a seemingly desirable asset, such as oil, can actually pervert an economy, erode governance, perpetuate conflict, and ruin local communities to the extent that it becomes a curse. New oil discoveries in western Ghana and western Uganda have raised concerns for the democratic prospects and future stability of these countries and their surrounding regions. Based on field interviews in these oil-producing regions, this report summarises how local communities have been affected thus far and their concerns for the future. The authors assess the extent to which each country is vulnerable to oil-induced instability, and identify groups or communities that would be most likely to perpetuate it. Lastly, it provides some assessment of the future trajectory of each country. 相似文献
300.
Obert Hodzi 《African Security Review》2014,23(3):295-306
This paper argues that the crisis of electoral democracy in Zimbabwe and Cote d'Ivoire is a result of underlying structural and institutional deficiencies within national and regional multinational institutions. It assesses the extent to which they have been ‘enablers’ or ‘spoilers’ of electoral-based transitions to democracy. Yet it avoids generalisations of the security sector's involvement in political transitions. In terms of structure, the paper is divided into four sections. Section one will briefly discuss the theoretical perspectives of the election-democracy trajectory. It argues that although elections are a major variable for democracy, unless the ‘ecology of elections’ is conducive, elections may not be an instrument of transition to democracy. The second section analyses the militarisation of politics and the role of the security sector in aiding or stalling democratisation. Section three will assess the role of regional organisations such as the Southern African Development Community, Economic Community of West African States and the African Union in electoral-based political transitions in Africa. Lastly, the paper will discuss how the security sector and multinational African institutions can aid political transitions to democracy in troubled African countries. 相似文献