The rise and fall of counterproliferation policy

The US government initiated a Defense Counterproliferation Initiative to address the concern that, in the post-Cold War years, the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons would be widespread and create a significant challenge to the US military’s combat operations. In particular, non-nuclear states might use chemical or biological warfare agents against US forces with the belief that nuclear weapons would not be used against them in retaliation. Following the events of September 11, 2001, defense strategy and policy shifted to a wider view of the threat of adversarial use of “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) and the term “counterproliferation” was replaced by “combating” or “countering WMD.” Over time, the Defense Department increasingly moved away from counterproliferation principles with the detrimental effect of losing capabilities that US forces still need for contemporary adversaries. This shift has been aggravated by other US government agencies’ use of “counterproliferation” in lieu of what would have been termed “nonproliferation” activities in the 1990s. The loss of clarity within the US government on these terms has led to the inability to focus the “whole of government” on this significant national security challenge. To alleviate this challenge, the US government needs a top-down initiative to refocus policy on the distinctly different aspects of WMD with respect to military combat operations, combating terrorism, and homeland security.     

Dirty war: chemical weapon use and domestic repression

The utilization of chemical weapons to quash domestic rebellion is a drastic action for a regime facing domestic challengers to take, especially given the reputation costs and risk of international intervention. However, recent developments have illustrated that some regimes have contemplated and implemented extraordinary measures (including the use of chemical munitions) to quash rebellion. This study addresses the question of why some states utilize chemical weapons against domestic challengers while others refrain from this level of state repression. I argue that the utilization of chemical weapons has both domestic and international elements. Specifically, that ethnic cleavages that lead to secessionist challenges and factors associated with inter-state rivalry impact the likelihood that a state utilizes the employment of chemical munitions. I test my argument and other explanations regarding repression with a casestudy approach utilizing captured Iraqi Government documents comparing Iraq’s Al-Anfal campaigns with developments during the recent Syrian Civil War.     

A Reversal of Fortunes? Extended Deterrence and Assurance in Europe and East Asia1

ABSTRACT

The extended deterrence relationships between the United States and its allies in Europe and East Asia have been critical to regional and global security and stability, as well as to nonproliferation efforts, since the late 1950s. These relationships developed in different regional contexts, and reflect differing cultural, political and military realities in the US allies and their relations with the United States. Although extended deterrence and assurance relations have very different histories, and have to some extent been controversial through the years, there has been a rethinking of these relations in recent years. Many Europeans face a diminished threat situation as well as economic and political pressures on the maintenance of extended deterrence, and are looking at the East Asian relationships, which do not involve forward deployed forces as more attractive than NATO’s risk-and-burden-sharing concepts involving the US nuclear forces deployed in Europe. On the other hand, the East Asian allies are looking favorably at NATO nuclear consultations, and in the case of South Korea, renewed US nuclear deployments (which were ended in 1991), to meet increased security concerns posed by a nuclear North Korea and more assertive China. This paper explores the history of current relationships and the changes that have led the allies to view those of others as more suitable for meeting their current needs.     

基于X射线脉冲星绝对定位中的整周模糊度改进算法研究

基于X射线脉冲星导航定位方法是一种全新的自主导航技术。该文给出了脉冲星绝对定位的基本原理,针对有关文章存在的疑问,提出了脉冲星导航绝对定位中整周模糊度改进算法,并对其进行了深入的分析和理论推导,通过仿真计算脉冲星整周模糊度和航天器的位置,得到了较理想的定位精度。这种新改进的整周模糊度算法为脉冲星绝对定位提供了新的思路。     

大面积建筑防排烟性能化设计

建立了一个理想的商场模型,根据相关条件,首先说明防排烟原理,结合规范对防烟分区合理划分,选择合适的排烟方式,即自然排烟与机械排烟结合。通过对排烟量、烟气温度的计算,设计合理的蓄烟拱高度、宽度,自然排烟口的面积等。同时对排烟风机的设置要求、排烟口的设置位置,提出了合理化的建议。     

灰色预测模型在非致命武器经济寿命预测中的应用

针对目前非致命武器经济寿命方面的研究相当缺乏的现状,结合非致命武器的自身特点,在全面分析装备全寿命周期费用的基础上,引入灰色理论,运用GM（1,1）模型对非致命武器的经济寿命周期费用进行估算和预测。通过分析,灰色预测模型具有较高的建模精度,预测方法和结果对非致命武器的经济寿命预测具有很强的实用性。     

军事行政区主轴线空间节点秩序构建

结合营区规划实例,以军事行政区主轴线为研究对象,在分析现阶段军事行政区主轴线空间节点设计中比较集中存在的几个问题基础上,提出了构建军事行政区主轴线空间节点秩序及应遵循的一般原则,并以常见的入口区—广场区—办公区—训练区的轴线构成为例,对军事行政区主轴线各空间节点的秩序构建进行了空间、尺度及人性化等设计方法的探讨,为推动营区规划的正规化、现代化建设提供一些思路和方法。     

空间信息获取系统建模与分析*

分析了空间信息获取系统概念和运作过程,建立了空间信息获取系统的SysML模型以及赋时CPN模型：通过CPNTools状态空间分析工具,验证了空间信息获取系统的逻辑性;运用CPNTools对模型进行仿真,依据仿真数据分析了空间信息获取系统的性能,并给出了空间信息获取系统的改进建议。     

Lp（M）空间的嵌入性质

利用一列Lebesgue空间Lpn引进了一类Banach函数空间Lp（M）空间,并以现代分析的方法讨论了Lp（M）的嵌入性质,得到Lp（M）可以成为L∞与Lp的中间空间。     

非语言交际与大学英语教学

传统的大学英语教学多注重语言知识的传授,忽略对大学生非语言交际能力的培养。本文通过举例说明非语言交际在大学英语教学中主要作用。