一种Hough变换航迹起始参数空间划分方法

针对Hough变换参数空间间隔尺度对发现概率的影响,分析了基于Hough变换航迹起始方法在存在正态分布的系统噪色、观测噪声和无噪声3种情况下参数空间矩形带宽度的划分对发现概率的影响,提出了可以补偿测量噪声的参数空间划分方法,仿真结果验证了此方法的有效性和可行性。     

基于重要性采样的空时分组码快速仿真系统设计

高效的仿真技术对研究提高军事通信的性能具有重要意义。针对传统的蒙特卡罗仿真时间长的问题,提出了基于重要性采样的空时分组码高效仿真方法,给出了仿真模型和实现流程。仿真和分析结果表明本方法在运行较少的时间内能够获得较好的误码性能。采用该高效仿真方法可以加快军事通信技术研究的进程。     

改进相空间重构方法在混沌识别中的应用研究

讨论了传统非线性时间序列相空间重构方法的特点,提出了一种改进的相空间重构方法.为了揭示非线性时间序列中的非线性相关性,采用了一种基于关联积分的统计量,并研究了不同参数对它的影响.研究了延迟时间和嵌入维数之间的关系,并采用时间窗口描述这2个参数的变化规律.同时,应用改进方法计算了混沌时间序列的重构参数,重构了混沌信号的吸引子.研究结果表明,该方法能够从时间序列有效地重构原系统的相空间,为混沌信号识别提供了新的途径.     

空间信息支援下作战飞机空战效能评估方法

空战是空军的基本作战手段,研究空间信息支援下的空战效能对明确空军装备的需求,搞好空军装备和航天装备体系的规划论证与顶层设计具有重要的现实意义.对空间信息支援下的我方战斗机空战效能进行了分析,建立了效能评估模型,并利用算例进行计算,对计算结果进行了对比分析.     

泛函在射表逼近中的应用

运用泛函理论,对方差最小原则下射表逼近进行分析,给出了在给定基函数形式条件下的统一计算公式,并对最小二乘方法作了改进,消除系数矩阵的原理误差,给出了提高精度的方法。最后,提出了一个选择基函数的有效方法。     

海上远程精确打击体系作战能力评估指标空间建模方法研究

现代战争的信息化程度、复杂性和不确定性不断提高,对海上远程精确打击（LPSS）体系作战能力的评估提出了更高的要求．要想准确评估系统的作战能力,建立合理的LPSS体系作战能力评估指标体系非常关键．然而影响LPSS体系作战能力的指标繁多,指标间存在冗余和相关性,不同层次指标间还存在交叉性,直接采用这些指标会增加后续评估的时空复杂度．在创建LPSS体系作战能力评估指标体系的基础上,对评估指标空间的建模方法进行研究,创建了可供评估的数据样本空间,为后续对底层指标集合进行约简、降维处理奠定了基础．     

空间碎片碰撞预警系统设计

为评估航天遭遇空间碎片碰撞的概率,设计了空间碎片碰撞预警系统的总体结构,建立了空间碎片数据库。针对航天器和空间碎片最接近时刻的确定及航天器位置误差协方差矩阵计算问题,基于成熟的SGP4和HPOP程序模块,提出了一种新的工程实现方法。在分析现有碰撞概率计算方法的基础上,先利用多种筛选方法剔除无威胁碎片以提高计算速度,再精确计算碰撞概率。充分利用现有程序集,结合多种编程技术,缩短了系统开发周期,并实现了系统的可视化。     

‘Clean’ bombs: Nuclear technology and nuclear strategy in the 1950s

The idea of ‘clean’ bombs, nuclear weapons with a reduced amount of radioactive fallout resulting from their fission part, has met much ridicule since its public inauguration in 1956. Many scholars have regarded the bombs as a propaganda tool, stopping short of analyzing their role in the transformative phase of US nuclear strategy in the 1950s. This paper reexamines the clean bomb episode through 1958, shedding light upon the dynamic relationship between the development of nuclear weapons technology and the evolution of nuclear strategy from massive retaliation to flexible response. It also discusses the mechanism and momentum of nuclear weapons technology innovation until the US suspended nuclear testing in late 1958.     

LEARNING TO LIVE WITH A NUCLEAR IRAN

Claims that China is the only nuclear power currently expanding its arsenal fail to take into account the technical, historical, and bureaucratic realities that shaped China's nuclear posture and drive its ongoing modernization. China's strategic modernization is largely a process of deploying new delivery systems, not designing new nuclear warheads; the majority of its new missiles are conventionally armed. Today, China maintains the smallest operationally deployed nuclear force of any of the legally recognized nuclear weapon states, operates under a no-first-use pledge, and keeps its warheads off alert. The modernization of China's delivery systems is the culmination of a decades-long plan to acquire the same capabilities deployed by the other nuclear powers. U.S. concerns about this modernization focus too much on deterring a deliberate Chinese attack and ignore the risk that modernized U.S. and Chinese forces could interact in unexpected ways during a crisis, creating uncontrollable escalatory pressures. To manage this risk, Washington should assure Chinese leaders that it does not seek to deny China's deterrent, in exchange for some understanding that China will not seek numerical parity with U.S. nuclear forces.     

THE ACRS EXPERIENCE AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THE WMDFZ CONFERENCE

This article examines the arms control logic that was applied to the only regional arms control talks that have taken place in the Middle East to date: the Arms Control and Regional Security (ACRS) working group that was part of the multilateral track of the Madrid peace process in the early 1990s. It highlights both the successes and major constraints of the ACRS talks in an effort to assess what might be relevant to the weapons of mass destruction-free zone conference proposed for later this year. In addition to the basic arms control dilemmas that will continue to challenge this conference—as they did ACRS—the article suggests that current conditions in the Middle East are even less conducive to regional dialogue than they were in the earlier period, due to the internal upheavals in several key Arab states, and the specific challenge of Iran's move to develop a military nuclear capability.