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511.
无论是执行外宾警卫任务还是首长警卫任务,警卫人员都会在警卫对象出现的相关场合经常性的“露脸”。警卫人员的礼仪修养将直接体现中国的文明程度,同时也直接影响首长在人民群众中的形象,提高警卫人员的礼仪修养刻不容缓。 相似文献
512.
薛炳义 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2009,25(7):26-28
在全面建设小康社会的新形势下,将“以人为本”、“和谐思维”、“开拓创新”理念融入警卫部队建设,对促进警卫部队科学发展,高质量完成警卫任务,进而实现其现代化的发展道路具有重要意义。 相似文献
513.
514.
李献惠 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(7):75-79
科学的危机传播包括危机预警传播、危机应急传播和危机善后传播.公安现役部队危机预警传播应以人为本,常态化传播危机预警信息;危机应急传播应体现人文关怀;危机善后传播应进行社会心理疏导,发掘并弘扬人性的善与美. 相似文献
515.
潘樱心 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(9):26-29
情报主导警务已成为继社区警务之后的新工作模式。但在实际的公安边防工作中,情报主导警务的推广并不能完全取代社区警务。为此,在比较美国情报主导警务与社区警务模式的基础上,分析了情报主导警务与社区警务结合的必要性及紧迫性,重点探讨在公安边防工作中情报主导警务与社区警务优势相结合的途径。 相似文献
516.
Jonathan M. Powell 《African Security Review》2014,23(4):329-338
This paper investigates civil conflict as a product of the survival strategies of African leaders. Specifically, the paper offers a theory of risk substitution that predicts coup-fearing leaders will undermine the military effectiveness of the state when making an effort to extend their own tenure. While ‘coup-proofing’ practices have often been noted as contributors to political survival, considerably less attention has been paid to the influence of these strategies on other forms of conflict. Utilising data from a number of cross-national datasets, the analyses show that having a higher number of ‘coup-proofing’ counterweights significantly worsens a state's civil conflict prospects. A brief consideration of multiple episodes of conflict further suggests that in addition to coup-proofing undermining the counterinsurgency capacity of the state, some leaders are simply indifferent to – or can even potentially benefit from – the existence of an insurgency. 相似文献
517.
徐宽宥 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2004,20(1):86-89
本文对当前公安边防部队执勤执法中存在的问题及原因进行了剖析,提出要全面理解执法为民在公安边防工作中的具体内涵和要求,牢固树立“四个意识”,以求真务实的态度和勇于开拓的精神狠抓队伍建设,围绕“三个有利于”,找准公安边防工作的着力点,加强勤务规范化建设和执勤执法监督以及落实从优待警措施,不断改进公安边防工作,使执法为民的宗旨真正落到实处。 相似文献
518.
Christopher M. Faulkner Joshua E. Lambert Jonathan M. Powell 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(3):641-659
ABSTRACTThis paper challenges recent claims that competitive market dynamics incentivize Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) to fully commit to providing effective services, thereby reducing the duration of civil war. Our assessment of a most-likely case scenario for this argument – Sierra Leone – reveals four critical problems. First, there is rarely direct competition, even if numerous companies are present. Second, the presence of multiple PMSCs usually represents a collaboration among subsidiaries providing distinct services, often under the same corporate umbrella. Third, data aggregation obfuscates the overlap of PMSC presence, inflating the amount of perceived competition. Finally, we raise concerns regarding how quantitative analyses can conflate conflict intensity with conflict termination. 相似文献
519.
Stephen Pampinella 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):721-743
As US counterinsurgency campaigns draw to a close, doctrine for asymmetric warfare written during the War on Terror has come under heavy criticism. While many have argued that this shift to ‘winning hearts and minds’ is evidence that the United States is taking humanitarianism and nation-building seriously, others argue that a wide gap exists between US counterinsurgency doctrine and the protection of civilians afflicted by conflict. In this article, I show that the latter is true by comparing theories of instrumental and communicative action to US doctrine for operational design, stability operations, and counterinsurgency. I argue that these texts treat the people as an object to be manipulated for the achievement of pre-determined self-interested strategic goals rather than members of a community that jointly designs operations to fulfill shared objectives. However, US doctrine does contain communicative elements that, if prioritized, would better support humanitarian and state-building objectives otherwise subordinated in the War on Terror. 相似文献
520.
ANDREA E OSTHEIMER 《African Security Review》2013,22(4):45-58
Guinea-Bissau's transition toward democracy has been violent and disruptive. Despite holding elections and attempts to promote economic and social development, the latest government, under President Yala, is not equipped to bring stability or even a more democratic state. A politicised military, inexperienced opposition and corrupt government officials have contributed to the current poverty and instability. Although unlikely to be deposed by the fragmented opposition, Yala is not secure within his own party and is likely to use his position to weaken his opponents. As a Catholic, Yala has been careful to avoid religious conflict by reassuring Muslim citizens that they will not be marginalised. The economy is precarious and poverty has not been addressed. Guinea-Bissau is dependent on foreign donors for its financial needs. Guinea-Bissau has begun military operations against rebels opposing the Senegalese government and the battles seem likely to continue to cause regional instability. Without external intervention political and economic development looks remote. 相似文献