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排序方式： 共有314条查询结果，搜索用时 0 毫秒
221.
2016年年初以来,朝鲜先后进行了第四次、第五次核试验,在此背景下,韩国国防部宣布,韩美同意在韩国部署末段高空区域防御系统——\"萨德\"导弹防御系统,朝鲜半岛地区风云再起。美韩此举使原本不安的东北亚局势更加紧张,诱发并恶化着东北亚地区大国家间潜存的\"安全困境\"。韩国决定部署\"萨德\"不仅严重僵化了中韩的国际关系,使得原本对峙局面下的朝韩两国局势更加紧张,更破坏了东北亚军事战略均衡,地区\"新冷战\"格局逐步形成。 相似文献
222.
Huw Bennett 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2014,25(3):501-521
Ten years of counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan have produced little in Britain's national interest. This article examines the political objectives set in these wars and the reasons why they have proved elusive. The core foreign policy aim was to sustain Britain's position as a great power by assuming responsibility for global order. Alliances with the United States and NATO would be the diplomatic tool for pursuing this aim. These alliances brought obligations, in the shape of agreed common threats. Rogue regimes with weapons of mass destruction and international terrorists harboured in failed states were deemed the primary threats to British security. Military means were therefore used in Iraq and Afghanistan to attack them. Whether Tony Blair's vision of global order ever made sense is debatable, and it attracted scepticism from the outset. The article argues experience in Iraq and Afghanistan showed that a strategy to eliminate terrorism (the WMD threat turned out never to have existed) by expeditionary counterinsurgency could only fail. Therefore the attention lavished on operational-level performance by most studies is misplaced, because no amount of warfighting excellence could make up for strategic incoherence. Finally, the article proposes the more important question arising from the last ten years is why the UK pursued a futile strategy for so long. The difficulties associated with interpreting events, a malfunctioning strategic apparatus, weak political oversight, and bureaucratic self-interest are posited as the most significant explanations. 相似文献
223.
Jonathan Schroden 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2014,25(2):479-486
In September 2011, the Commander of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan directed the Afghan Assessment Group to redesign the way in which ISAF was assessing the status of the war, and to be ‘revolutionary’ in so doing. The resulting assessment paradigm was novel, non-doctrinal, and effectively addressed the unique complexities of the counterinsurgency in Afghanistan and the needs of the ISAF Commander. It had a two-tier structure consisting of both strategic and campaign assessments. The former focused on answering a set of strategic questions in narrative, analytic form to address the strategic environment, while the latter used a set of standards and accompanying narrative responses to gauge accomplishment of campaign tasks. Both tiers captured the current state of the war while maintaining an eye on future challenges and opportunities. The two assessments and their associated processes were designed to stimulate discussions leading directly to decisions by senior leaders on actions they could take, direct, or request. While any assessment paradigm will have advantages and disadvantages, an examination of the pros and cons of this assessment paradigm makes clear that it should be considered a ‘best practice’ in the field of counterinsurgency assessment. 相似文献
224.
In the aftermath of 9/11, the USA embarked on a massive global hunt for terrorists and launched its “Operation Enduring Freedom” in Afghanistan. Its failure to control insurgency in Afghanistan spilled over into Pakistan, with disastrous consequences. The resurgence of the Taliban with more formidable tactics and maneuvering skills has become more troublesome for both Afghanistan and Pakistan and for the USA and its allied forces. The fierce comeback of the insurgents has challenged the political and territorial integrity of Pakistan, one that it cannot tolerate. This article analyzes the current situation and its implications for Pakistan's security. Moreover, it looks into the internal and external security complexities that Pakistan faces and the possible implications of the US exit strategy for Pakistan's security. It concludes that the security situation in Pakistan is continuously deteriorating and no part of her territory is immune from terrorists' attacks. To be successful, Pakistan must pursue a broad-based strategy that encompasses military, political, social, economic and informational domains aimed at accomplishing four major objectives: (1) elimination of foreign terrorists and their facilitators; (2) strengthening of the political and administrative institutions in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA); (3) establishing a safe and secure environment conducive for sustained development and the realization of real socio-economic progress and (4) integrating the FATA into the national mainstream. In the long term, a strategy based on the concept of “Enlightened Moderation” is the right solution, not only to the internal problems of Pakistan but also for the Muslim world and the international community. 相似文献
225.
西部大开发 城市要先行——北疆铁路沿线城镇带发展战略 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
李春华 《兵团教育学院学报》2002,12(1):1-4
以北疆铁路沿线城市发展作为先导,带动全疆经济和社会的全面发展,是新疆大开发的重要战略.从区域经济发展的角度,提出了优化区域城镇带的具体方案和完善城镇带空间布局的设想和建议. 相似文献
226.
The world is mired in history again, as historical modes of competition return and historical grievances fuel the policies of multiple revisionist actors. If the end of history has ended, then it follows that the time is ripe for an engagement with history’s wisdom. We argue that the making of American statecraft—the deliberate, coordinated use of national power to achieve important objectives—can be significantly enhanced by a better understanding of the past. This essay, which draws on the extensive literature on history and statecraft, U.S. foreign policy, and the author’s own research and experiences, offers a defense of the use of history to improve statecraft, as well as a typology of ten distinct ways in which an understanding of history can improve government policy. 相似文献
227.
针对智能干扰条件下传输速率固定的通信系统多信道功率分配问题,建立了非对称Colonel Blotto博弈模型。在完全信息条件下,推导出了各种功率预算约束下通信方和干扰方的等效单信道最优功率分配策略,进而证明了通信方和干扰方存在唯一混合纳什均衡策略,并求得了纳什均衡收益。基于等效单信道最优功率分布,提出了一种多重扫描直接列元素交换算法,可以快速构建多信道混合功率分配矩阵,且相比于线性规划方法,可适应更多的信道数和更广的功率分布范围。通过数值仿真,验证了所提多信道混合功率分配矩阵构造算法的有效性及多信道功率分配策略的最优性。 相似文献
228.
基于我国2天交会对接方案,通过合理减少定轨、变轨参数计算与指令上传及不可测控区域占用的飞行圈次,建立了5圈快速交会对接的调相变轨方案,采用四脉冲修正特殊点变轨算法进行求解。给出了满足调相段终端控制精度所需要的定轨精度,分析了追踪航天器入轨精度、追踪航天器入轨远地点高度、目标轨道高度、调相段终端瞄准点等参数对最优初始相位角范围的影响规律。简要分析了为获得需要的初始相位角,目标航天器的调相策略及追踪航天器可能的发射机会。 相似文献
229.
论文提出了航天器与空间目标距离较近时的自主规避策略。分析了航天器与目标的相对运动模型,将相对运动分解为视线瞬时旋转平面内的运动与该平面的转动。对视线瞬时平面内的运动进行了分析,推导了航天器的最佳规避方向。探讨了在三维惯性空间中该方向的确定方法。通过仿真分析,对比了航天器具有不同规避加速度和不同探测距离时,通过机动所得脱靶量的大小,验证了航天器近距离自主规避策略的有效性。 相似文献
230.
军事对抗决策中面临的一个主要问题是难以确定敌方的策略集。基于超博弈分析策略不确定条件下的军事对抗决策问题。在分析超博弈中信念迭代原理的基础上,提出了基于高阶超博弈的对抗决策方法。将高阶信念中的结果反思到低阶信念,并最终反思到一阶信念中,将己方的决策建立在对敌方可能决策的分析的基础上。使得己方的决策具有针对性且更加合理。以二战中西线战役为例验证了方法的可行性和有效性。 相似文献