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161.
提出了在一定经费的约束条件下,使所有二级存储场站的所有战备器材期望缺货数最小的模型,通过对后方仓库存量初值和场站库存量的确定,求解出后方仓库和场站之间库存量的优化分配调整方案。最后通过实例得出发散型布局形态模型。  相似文献   
162.
In 2002, a Nuclear Security Culture (NSC) Enhancement Program with the mission to raise the level of the NSC at sites and facilities in Russia's nuclear complex was launched under the guidance of the Russian State Corporation “ROSATOM” and with support from the US Department of Energy. A Joint Working Group for NSC with both Russian Federation and US members was formed and charged with the design and implementation of the program. The program was implemented at sites and facilities on a pilot basis. Nine sites participated in the Pilot Project. The key program component was an establishment of Culture Coordinators (CCs) with the authority to coordinate and implement NSC enhancement activities at sites and facilities. The CCs have served as the force that has maintained the momentum of the Pilot Project and continuously steered the site NSC enhancement efforts. The contribution of the CCs in achieving the positive outcomes of the program cannot be overstated.  相似文献   
163.
为识别链路层加密比特流,以未加密与加密数据在随机统计特性上的差异为依据,对4种典型的随机性检测方法在比特流长度不同时的识别率进行了比较研究.针对块内最长游程检测过程中出现的比特流尾部比特位不能构成完整子块的问题,提出了2种可行的处理方案.通过对块内最长游程检测门限值函数的研究,基于参数优化的方法改进了块内最长游程的检测方案,在一定程度上提高了识别率.最后,以某无线网络链路层加密比特流为识别对象,对提出方案的有效性进行了验证.  相似文献   
164.
利用C+ +Builder 6.0编程软件,编制了专门的计算备件期望短缺量的软件和查询表格,使得METRIC模型的实际运用更加方便;结合我军防空武器系统维修保障体制的现状,利用METRIC模型构建了备件配置优化模型;以备件订购费用为约束条件,装备可用度最大为目标对备件配置策略进行了优化研究;算例分析表明,结果比较合理,...  相似文献   
165.
针对复杂系统可靠性评价中工作环境可变的情形,提出基于云模型和混合Petri网相结合的可靠性评价方法。首先采用云模型描述系统的环境适应能力指数,并将其作为混合Petri模型中连续库所的托肯值来控制该模型中变迁的变迁率,然后采用基于Petri网的蒙特卡罗方法对不同环境下的系统可靠性进行仿真求解,得到系统在不同时刻下的失效率。最后以一个C4ISR系统为例,验证了该方法在解决可变工作环境下的系统可靠性评估是可行的。  相似文献   
166.
对陆军合成营指挥模拟训练系统模型和部署结构进行研究和探讨,构建一个分布式合成营指挥训练平台。从系统的总体设计思路、系统功能设计、系统逻辑结构、系统物理结构及模块化设计思路上加以探讨并给出自己的方案。  相似文献   
167.
描述了在VC++环境中开发的基于VISA接口标准的射频半实物仿真系统校准自动测试程序.利用VISA函数与接口无关、与操作系统无关、与编程环境无关的特点,通过GPIB总线和SCPI标准命令对矢量网络分析仪进行程序控制,达到空间辐射信号精确测量的目的,实现了目标阵列的宽带特性校准.  相似文献   
168.
Australia is a geographically large country, with the world's longest national coastline to defend, but a relatively small economy of some 17.5 million people. Since World War II, Australia has faced the dilemma of how to structure defence policy in the absence of an identifiable threat. Its policy of self‐reliance aims to permit Australia to conduct defensive operations in the event of low/medium level threats without depending immediately on its allies. This is to be achieved through the technological sophistication of defence equipment, a highly professional but small defence force and local industry support.

The burden of defence, measured as the share of defence outlay in GDP declined from about 3% in 1971–72 to about 2.3% in 1993–94. It has been the Government's policy to encourage the development of local defence‐related industry, in particular in areas such as: electronics/optics; communications and information technology; aerospace; shipbuilding and repair, munitions; and land vehicles. However, defence procurement has a small impact on the Australian economy as a whole.  相似文献   
169.
The 17th Conference of the Parties (COP17) had been anticipated as the ‘African COP’, not only due to the African venue but also due to the opportunity it would afford African countries – with South Africa at the helm – to steer the debate on a global climate change regime. With the conference now over, lobby groups, international organisations, negotiators, observers and commentators alike have been taking stock of its outcome. Despite the litany of developmental and security implications of climate change, COP17 got underway with little hope that much might actually be achieved. In light of the discouraging condition of the global economy, with leading developed economies suffering financially, states were hardly in a mood to be making concessions that would impact their fiscal health. Nonetheless, an agreement was reached. Questions remain, however, about the significance of the outcome of the African COP for the world at large, but ultimately also for Africa.  相似文献   
170.
In 2003, the Albanian government declared that in late 2002 it had discovered a heretofore unknown cache of 16 tons of chemical weapons. Tirana requested and received assistance from the West in securing and destroying the materials, a task completed in 2007. Albania has been lauded for its responsible handling of the discovery and for being the first nation to complete the destruction of its chemical weapons under the terms of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). This article argues that the Albanian government has always knowingly possessed the weapons, keeping them a secret until a post-September 11, 2001 international focus on weapons of mass destruction made it politically worthwhile for Tirana to declare and destroy them. The likelihood that the governments of the West turned a willful blind eye to this chain of events is troubling for the credibility of the CWC and confidence in nonproliferation measures in general. Finally, the author recommends measures to avoid and address similar situations in the future.  相似文献   
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