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排序方式: 共有887条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
771.
空间力量信息支援能力量化分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
研究空间力量的信息支援能力,对于搞好航天装备体系建设的顶层设计、规划论证以及作战运用,具有重要的现实意义和军事效益.对空间力量与空间信息支援作战、空间力量的作战任务、空间力量的信息支援能力等问题进行了定性分析.在对传统ADC方法进行合理改进的基础上,基于环境影响因子、各性能指标的权重以及各性能指标的评价函数,提出了一种全过程评估能力指标的新思路、新方法,建立了空间力量信息支援能力评估模型,为量化分析空间力量信息支援能力提供了一定的依据. 相似文献
772.
发动机的故障样本少,用神经网络进行故障类别的学习和分类往往会出现过学习、泛化能力不高以及局部极小点等问题。针对这一缺陷,将基于小样本理论的支持向量机学习方法应用到发动机的故障诊断中。同时讨论了3种多故障分类器的优缺点,并用引入模糊隶属函数的方法解决了“一对多”方法在构建多故障分类器时存在的分类盲区,提高了分类器的分类精度。用该方法对发动机常见的8种状态模式的样本进行训练和识别,训练样本和测试样本都有较好的识别率。 相似文献
773.
从剖析一体化联合作战的基本特点及其装备保障需求入手,阐明了装备保障训练内容体系设计的理论依据和基本原则;结合部队装备保障训练实际,提出了一种基于任务需求、围绕保障活动、面向一体化过程的设计方法,并运用此方法,构建了装备保障训练内容体系结构模型及框架,以期为装备保障训练转型提供理论借鉴。 相似文献
774.
We present two random search methods for solving discrete stochastic optimization problems. Both of these methods are variants of the stochastic ruler algorithm. They differ from our earlier modification of the stochastic ruler algorithm in that they use different approaches for estimating the optimal solution. Our new methods are guaranteed to converge almost surely to the set of global optimal solutions under mild conditions. We discuss under what conditions these new methods are expected to converge faster than the modified stochastic ruler algorithm. We also discuss how these methods can be used for solving discrete optimization problems when the values of the objective function are estimated using either transient or steady‐state simulation. Finally, we present numerical results that compare the performance of our new methods with that of the modified stochastic ruler algorithm when applied to solve buffer allocation problems. © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2005. 相似文献
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776.
基于供应链的军事物资保障系统研究 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
高技术条件下的局部战争,物资保障任务繁重,军事物流的地位日益突出。现代物流打破了储存、运输的传统职能,充分运用了系统、集成的思想,为进一步提高军队的物资保障能力,从供应链的角度,应用现代物流理论,分析了供应链理念对军事物资保障系统的改进和推动作用,指出了当前军事物资保障系统存在的问题,在此基础上,对如何整合优化军事物资保障系统的供应链,进行了分析和探讨。对如何应用供应链理念,提高军事物资保障效率,确保适时、适地、适量可靠保障,提供了充分的理论依据。 相似文献
777.
CHRISTOPHER SPEARIN 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(4):541-558
Washington's growing reliance upon international private security companies (PSCs) will lead to these firms becoming prominent vehicles in the prosecution of the counterinsurgency in Iraq. This shift, however, risks labeling PSCs as mercenaries and presents considerable challenges regarding the control of non-state violence. Moreover, tradeoffs exist regarding the different nationalities of PSC personnel. Utilization of personnel from the developed world risks compromising the capabilities of Special Operations Forces. Additionally, shifts in casualty recognition amongst US policymakers and the media suggest that the private option is becoming politically salient and thus less useful. Many developing world states are increasingly concerned about how the global outsourcing of security sector expertise risks their stability and ability to execute coherent policy. Finally, the employment of Iraqis in PSCs sends mixed messages to the Iraqi populace about the need for and the effectiveness of a cohesive and responsible indigenous security sector. Frankly, I'd like to see the government get out of war altogether and leave the whole feud to private industry. [Catch-22 – Major Milo Minderbinder] 相似文献
778.
This study provides an explanation of terrorism by examining interactions between the terrorist group with a minority as a potential pool of recruits and the government supported by a majority. A hawkish deterrence policy makes it more risky for terrorists to launch attacks, but heightens the anti‐government feeling of the terrorist group. In addition, the payoff for the government depends not only on the payoff loss associated with the level of terrorism, but also on the political payoff from the action itself of adopting a hawk policy due to its politicians’ vested interests. We first show that whether the deterrence policy should be ‘hawk to ‘dove is closely dependent on the relationships among the risk associated with terrorism, the anti‐government feeling of the terrorist group, and the political payoff for the government. This study then introduces transnational support enhancing the capability of a terrorist group to intensify its activity and shows that the emergence of transnational support may cause the government to reform its deterrence policy from ‘dove’ toward ‘hawk,’ with terrorism intensified in the society. 相似文献
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