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基于空基平台的TBM助推段拦截可行性分析

为了研究对TBM目标进行空基助推段拦截的作战可行性,设计了空基反TBM的拦截作战过程。在此基础上,从拦截时序、拦截作战距离、拦截方式和拦截弹末速度要求、拦截时空综合等4个方面详细分析了空基助推段拦截TBM的可行性,同时建立了拦截可行性分析计算模型;最后,对拦截可行性进行了仿真验证。从而为空基反导武器装备发展和作战使用研究提供了重要的参考依据。     

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Pakistan’s nuclear future: continued dependence on asymmetric escalation

ABSTRACT

In 2019, the geostrategic landscape of South Asia significantly changed. A crisis between India and Pakistan involved air strikes across international boundaries for the first time since the 1971 war. Pakistan came close to economic collapse, while India re-elected hawkish Narendra Modi as prime minister in a landslide. These developments, alongside the United States’ efforts to strike a deal to leave Afghanistan and rapidly improving US-India relations, portend new challenges for Pakistan’s security managers—challenges that nuclear weapons are ill-suited to address. Despite the shifting security and political situation in the region, however, Pakistan’s nuclear posture and doctrine seem unlikely to change. This article explores the roots of Pakistan’s reliance on the traditional predictions of the nuclear revolution, most notably the notion that nuclear-armed states will not go to war with one another, and argues that this reliance on nuclear deterrence is a response both to Pakistan’s security environment and to serious constraints on moving away from nuclear weapons toward an improved conventional force posture. Pakistan’s central problems remain the same as when it first contemplated nuclear weapons: the threat from India, the absence of true allies, a weak state and a weaker economy, and few friends in the international system. While 2019 may have been a turning point for other states in the region, Pakistan is likely to stay the course.