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601.
通过界定维修组时和保障方式的基本概念,建立了装备维修组时和保障力量可用组时预计模型,在此基础上,建立了维修保障力量和保障方式的关系模型,提出战时维修保障力量配置和保障方式确定方法,并以实例对该方法进行了说明和论证,为最优使用维修保障力量、筹划保障行动提供可借鉴的方法。 相似文献
602.
为了对潜艇涂层破损状态的水下腐蚀电场进行快速评估,基于电化学腐蚀原理和潜艇结构特点,建立潜艇涂层局部破损时的腐蚀电流等效电路,对潜艇涂层局部破损时的腐蚀电流强度进行估算,并基于点电流源对潜艇腐蚀电场建模,将潜艇涂层破损部位和裸露螺旋桨等效为点电流源,利用点电流源在分层介质中的电场计算公式对潜艇涂层破损时的腐蚀稳恒电场进行估算。与某型潜艇腐蚀电场商业有限元软件COMSOL仿真结果对比表明:该估算方法得到的潜艇表面腐蚀电流和不同路径电场分布曲线规律与COMSOL仿真结果基本一致,电流估算值相对误差不超过6.5%,电场各分量峰峰值相对误差不超过18%。 相似文献
603.
鲁会元 《武警工程学院学报》2011,(6):60-62
随着时代的发展和部队形势任务的变化,心理健康教育已经成为军校教育工作的一个重要方面。从建立健全心理健康教育的组织机构、科学构建心理健康教育的目标内容、积极拓展心理健康教育的有效途径等方面,探索当前武警初级指挥院校加强心理健康教育应采取的主要对策。 相似文献
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William Moon 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):613-634
ABSTRACTAs the United States and North Korea pursue negotiations on a “denuclearization” agreement, the two countries should consider initiating cooperative measures as a way to build confidence and encourage finalization of a complete agreement. Based on lessons from the initial engagements carried out under the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program in states of the former Soviet Union (FSU), initial cooperation should focus on safety and security, training, and infrastructure elimination. By offering to implement these initiatives now while negotiations are underway, the United States could gain additional insights into North Korean intentions. These early initiatives could be proposed without compromising the US maximum-pressure campaign on North Korea by using the current authorities of the CTR program and carefully designing specific exemptions that may be required for any agreed measures. If North Korea is truly interested in pursuing disarmament efforts, the initial cooperative projects would enable them to begin reaping potential benefits while negotiations continue with sanctions still in place. These initial proposals could also be expanded to include additional international partners such as Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan. Such programs and initiatives would support and supplement longer-term strategies to address North Korean weapons-of-mass-destruction challenges. 相似文献
607.
Covell Meyskens 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):499-517
ABSTRACTThis article examines Chinese views of North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing’s ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing’s endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea’s decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing’s recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program. 相似文献