直升机引导条件下舰载反舰导弹超视距攻击仿真

为了分析直升机引导条件下舰载反舰导弹对目标超视距攻击产生的射击影响。分析了舰载直升机引导误差、发射舰艇定位误差、目标机动误差、导弹飞行误差等对导弹超视距攻击的影响,构建导弹超视距攻击仿真模型,并开发仿真实验平台,通过仿真实验平台分析和检验不同误差条件下导弹超视距攻击效果,为部队进行战法、训法提供训练平台,解决部队针对性训练的难题。     

院校网络信息资源建设应服务于信息化教学应用

随着现代信息技术的飞速发展和网络技术的广泛应用,网络信息资源呈现的形式更加丰富多彩。武警院校网络信息资源建设如何为信息化教学服务,是摆在武警院校教育工作者面前的一个重要课题。从武警院校网络信息资源建设存在的问题入手,分析了网络信息资源对信息化教学的作用,并对网络信息资源建设服务于武警院校信息化教学的主要对策进行了论述。     

天波超视距雷达路径传播损耗仿真计算与分析

为研究天波超视距雷达路径传播损耗规律特性,针对天波超视距雷达电波传播特点,利用现有理论成果,建立了路径传播损耗的计算机仿真模型,设计了一种简洁的路径传播损耗仿真计算流程,仿真分析了各种因素对路径传播损耗的影响,得出了降低路径传播损耗的有效措施,为天波雷达的作战使用提供了理论依据.     

以党在新形势下的强军目标为牵引扎实推进军队院校保密工作科学发展

习主席提出的党在新形势下的强军目标,为进一步推进军队院校保密工作科学发展提供了根本遵循。院校保密工作必须以强军目标为牵引,铸牢强军之魂,牢牢把握军队院校保密工作发展的正确方向;扭住强军之要,切实提升搞好军队院校保密工作的能力水平;夯实强军之基,积极适应军队保密工作新要求抓好落实。     

模拟法庭教学法在刑事诉讼法学教学中的价值与应用

模拟法庭教学是通过仿真现实法庭场景和流程的方式,模拟开展庭审中的各项工作,以提高学生的操作能力的一种实践性教学方法,它契合刑事诉讼法学实践性、操作性的需要,能促使学生成为学习主体,有利于培养学生法律素养。在刑事诉讼法学课程中,模拟法庭教学法通常遵循案例选取、角色分配、准备材料、开始庭审和庭审点评五个程式。     

新建构主义知识观

传统知识观将间接知识理解为人类现有的静态认识成果,从而造成了问接知识的绝对化,使间接知识不可避免地具有反建构性。要实现间接知识与个人认识建构的有机统一,就必须打破传统知识观对间接知识的成果化理解,把间接知识理解为人类认识的发展过程,使间接知识本身建构化。     

ANALYSIS OF CONFLICT WITHIN A CONTESTED LAND: THE CASE OF KASHMIR

This paper considers the case of Kashmir to examine the relation between the people of the contested land (Indian-occupied Kashmir) and one of the nation states claiming it (India, in this case) in a game-theoretic framework. The motivation for this paper was whether it was possible to rationalize the lack of democratic space in Kashmir, relative to other states in India (especially since the founding fathers of the country had announced such democratic practices to be the guiding principles of the new nation) and at the same time, a highly rigid stance of the Indian Government on the Kashmir issue. An otherwise standard political economic model is used to capture how the way in which citizens determine their allegiance to one or the other nation state (India or Pakistan) can, in turn, affect the nation state's (India's) policies towards the contested land. I conclude that if the Indian Government perceives allegiance of the citizens to be determined primarily by partisan preferences of the citizens, not so much by their preferences for policies, then the government rationally concentrates on minimizing its disutility due to deviations from its ‘most-favorite' policy. This understanding rationalizes the policies of the Indian Government towards Kashmir. More importantly, it points towards areas that need consideration for any peace-making process to take-off.     

The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region

In April 2012 a number of former rebels who had been integrated into the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) mutinied and formed the Movement of March 23, better know as the M23 rebel group. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) has been mediating between Kinshasa and the M23 rebel group since 2012, without much success. In August 2013, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) issued a communiqué after its 33rd Summit of Heads of State and Government, stating that while it commends the ICGLR efforts, the talks have become protracted and a deadline needs to be set. The summit also called for an urgent joint ICGLR–SADC summit to address the crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In addition to this development, the chair of the ICGLR is to be rotated in December 2013, when President José Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola replaces President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. To date, the mediation has been headed by Uganda and this has raised concerns over the credibility of the ICGLR-led process, since Uganda has been accused of supporting the M23 rebellion in a report released in November 2012 by the United Nations Group of Experts on the DRC. One could question whether the Angolan leadership will bring anything new that could have an impact on the crisis. Many expect that the perceived neutrality that Dos Santos could bring to the negotiations may be a positive step towards reviving the talks that have all but stalled at this point. Another issue of interest is whether the joint ICGLR–SADC summit could instil new life into the mediation process.     

BUSTING OUT

This report explores Iranian popular opinion on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the determinants of Iranian attitudes. Using data from a 2008 survey of 710 Iranians administered by the University of Maryland's Program on International Policy Attitudes, we find that that a significant minority of Iranians (10 percent in 2006 and 14 percent in 2008) would prefer that Iran withdraw from the NPT. Our statistical analysis shows that Iranians who fear a US attack on Iranian nuclear facilities and distrust the International Atomic Energy Agency are more likely to want to quit the NPT. We therefore argue that those who do not trust other nations are most likely to oppose the NPT.     

Bringing Balancing Back In: Britain's Targeted Balancing, 1936–1939

This article challenges the conventional wisdom that Neville Chamberlain rejected the British tradition of balance of power in the 1930s. In contrast to balance of power and balance of threat theories, states do not balance against aggregate or net shifts in power. Instead, leaders define threats based on particular elements of a foreign state's power. The import is that different components of power of a foreign state are more or less threatening and aggregate shifts in power alone may not provoke counterbalancing behavior. In the 1930s, Britain balanced against the most threatening components of power: the German Luftwaffe and the threat of a knock-out air assault against the homeland, Japan's Imperial Navy and its threat to Britain's commercial trade routes and the Dominions in East Asia, and the Italian Navy and the threat to Britain's line of communication through the Mediterranean Sea to India and Asia. Given Britain's difficult financial circumstances, all other components of power, such as the army and the land components of power of Germany, Japan, and Italy were ranked as secondary in terms of its rearmament priorities. Thus, London was able to narrow the gap with Berlin in specific components of power of strategic importance such as aircraft production or to exceed Germany in other areas such as the Royal Navy and its battlefleet.