全文获取类型
收费全文 | 277篇 |
免费 | 44篇 |
国内免费 | 6篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 14篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 23篇 |
2017年 | 23篇 |
2016年 | 21篇 |
2015年 | 14篇 |
2014年 | 15篇 |
2013年 | 50篇 |
2012年 | 18篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 12篇 |
2009年 | 10篇 |
2008年 | 14篇 |
2007年 | 19篇 |
2006年 | 14篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有327条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
181.
The Political Economy of Military Spending in the United States, Alex Mintz (ed), London and New York: Routledge, 1992, pp x, 334; ISBN 0–415–07595–5 Penser La Guerre, Penser L'Economie, Christian Schmidt, (Paris: Odile Jacob, 1991), 350p. Military Production and Innovation in Spain, Jordi Molas‐Gallart, Chur (CH): Harwood Academic Publishers, 1992, pp. vii, 212; ISBN 3–7186–5280–3 相似文献
182.
Tilman Brück 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(5):375-389
This paper analyses public policy choices in the security economy from an economic perspective. It discusses the role of public goods for national and global security and identifies the importance of the first‐ and second‐order indirect effects of insecurity on economic activity, which include the behavioural responses of agents and the government to security measures, akin to such effects in insurance economics. Furthermore, key public policy trade‐offs are outlined, in particular between security and efficiency, globalisation, equity and freedom. The analysis identifies suitable policy options for raising security in the national and international contexts and in view of these trade‐offs. A balance between market and non‐market instruments in achieving security should be aimed for in order to minimise the adverse effects of aiming for higher security. In addition, the public good nature of security implies that international coordination of security policies is important, despite this process being fraught with enforcement problems. 相似文献
183.
S. Mansoob Murshed 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(5):391-401
This paper constructs a macroeconomic model of North–South interaction where the flow of narcotics from the South to the North is restricted. The economic effects are akin to quantitative restrictions in trade policy. Two alternative policy scenarios will be considered. One involves reducing the supply of drugs at the source, accompanied by aid. Supply‐side restrictions have negative aggregate supply‐side effects in the producing region, because of the monopoly rents generated from that type of control. This makes them a second‐best policy, particularly if the accompanying aid is not used for poverty alleviation and fails to expand domestic aggregate demand. Alternatively, demand side restrictions will be found to be superior. 相似文献
184.
Tim Haesebrouck 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(7):748-765
AbstractMilitary burden sharing has been a subject of repeated debates in NATO and the UN. Despite more modest goals, the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) has experienced no fewer difficulties in garnering men, money, and materiel. While this may not come as a surprise, the fact that some EU member states have carried disproportionate shares of the burden of CSDP operations is a puzzle that remains unaccounted for. We address this gap by analyzing determinants of contribution levels to CSDP operations. In employing an innovative multi-method design that combines insights from collection action theory with those from integrated theories of military burden sharing, our results indicate that EU countries tend to contribute in positive disproportion with their capabilities when they have a strong peacekeeping tradition and elections are distant. In contrast, they undercontribute when small trade volumes with the area of operations combine with a weak peacekeeping tradition. 相似文献
185.
Maria Hedvall 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(1):103-116
This paper attempts to describe the methods employed by the Croatian government in order to acquire the foreign currency which was essential for strategic imports during the period 1991–1995. The starting point for this was the fact that foreign currency was in the hands of Croatian households, export companies, and Croatian companies abroad. The Croatian central bank gained access to households’ foreign currency principally by gaining their confidence. It gained access to companies’ currency by means of “export rights”, and perhaps also as a result of the integration of political and economic positions which was a relic of the former Yugoslavia. 相似文献
186.
Linton F. Brooks 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):521-525
The Tradition of Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons by T.V. Paul. Stanford University Press, 2009. 319 pages, $29.95. 相似文献
187.
There is often a perception put forth of a fight for supremacy between China and the USA. This is often the case when discussing the continent of Africa. Both countries have recently increased their involvement in Africa for a variety of reasons. In 2011, China surpassed the USA as Africa's largest trading partner, with Africa predicted to be Beijing's largest trading partner by 2017. As expected, their bilateral and multilateral defence cooperation with strategic countries and organisations has matured and expanded along with it. Washington's own economic interests, al-Qa'ida and threats to maritime security are some of the crucial elements behind the US's presence on the continent. This article analyses both the USA and China's rising defence involvement in Africa. It compares and contrasts their similarities and differences, and argues that cooperation in certain areas can prove beneficial for all parties involved. 相似文献
188.
本文对瓶颈指派问题给出了一种新的算法,该算法不需要利用最大流算法,而类似于解经典指派问题的匈牙利算法。该算法是一个多项式时间算法,其复杂性为O(n3) 相似文献
189.
刘镇 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(6):52-55
现有的高安全门限密码方案都是基于双线性配对实现的,由于双线性对的计算需要耗费大量的资源,这些方案在资源受限的环境下很不实用。因此,构造非基于双线性对密码方案是一件非常有意义的工作。带符号的二次剩余类群具有同双线性对类似的优良性质,可以用来构造门限密码方案。在带符号的二次剩余类群中,利用投影公钥技术,构造了一个非交互的门限密钥封装机制。该方案在因子分解困难问题假设下,具有自适用选择密文攻击安全性。由于避免了耗时的双线性对运算,方案具有较高的效率,可应用于资源受限的网络环境中。 相似文献
190.
Steve Carpenter 《Defense & Security Analysis》2014,30(3):283-295
The US strategy in Afghanistan has fallen short of neutralizing the insurgency that threatens the future stability. The primary insurgency's leadership council, the Quetta Shura, has effectively managed influence through a shadow government and superior tactics in recruiting marginalized tribal leaders, leading to a questionable outcome once Coalition forces withdraw in 2014. This article summarizes the threat posed by the Quetta Shura, coinciding with the deficiencies in the current US policy, and recommends a more viable strategy conducive to the current circumstances, based on historical and cultural precedence. Coalition forces have put a great amount of time, money, and effort into establishing a more stable Afghanistan. The USA needs a more aggressive strategy to counter the aspirations of the insurgency, thereby giving the Afghans the opportunity to further progress in the future. Under the current circumstances and policies, a peaceful transition after the Coalition withdrawal is becoming more unlikely. 相似文献