中国警察参与联合国维和行动风险分析

风险管理是一门新兴学科,已普遍应用于各个领域。维和工作处处充满风险,有必要进行深刻探讨,进而对中国警察参与联合国维和行动面临的风险进行科学合理的分析并提出应对措施。     

环境新闻在中国的发展及其特征简析

环境问题已经成为一大社会问题,环境新闻成为媒体和公众关注的焦点。国内环境新闻作为一个新兴的报道题材,已迅速闯进主要新闻传媒的主阵地,并逐渐成为与时政新闻、经济新闻、科技新闻等并驾齐驱的报道领域,成为各家传媒和记者争相采访报道的重要内容。本文从环境新闻的概念与产生入手,分析其在中国的发展。     

中德警卫人员招募与教育训练比较

德国要人防护局招募警卫人员的理念是“把一名警察变为一名警卫”,而且要求应招者必须经过三到五年的警察培训,并且具备射击、法律、搏击等方面的基础。中国警卫人员招募途径多元,强调严把“入口关”。德国警卫部门在教育训练方面强调“完全贴近实战”。中国警卫部门则采取多种教育训练模式,强调“战训合一”。通过比较研究发现,德国警卫部门在人员招募与教育训练方面有很多先进的理念和做法值得中国警卫部门学习和借鉴。     

Brothers in arms,yet again? Twenty-first century Sino-Russian strategic collaboration in the realm of defence and security

2014–2015 were years of turmoil for strategic relations, with Sino-Russian relations emerging as a particularly interesting set of ties to observe. This article asks whether recurrent Sino-Russian exhortations of friendship are mirrored by their strategic alignment in the defence and security realm, half a century after the end of the Sino-Soviet pact during the communist era. We examine the arms trade between the two countries and with regional partners, but also the recent pattern of bilateral and multilateral military exercises, as a combined test of the security and defence relationship. We are able to show that the image of friendship that both Moscow and Beijing like to promote, while apparent at the UN Security Council and within the BRICS group, remains constrained by rivalry in high-tech segments of the arms industry and by lingering concerns about the prospects of peer interference in their shared regional vicinity.     

US–China military relations: competition and cooperation

ABSTRACT

China’s efforts to build a ‘new type of great power relations’ and a ‘new type of military-to-military relations’ do not constitute a major turning point in relations with the United States. Political relations set limits on military cooperation, and the two sides have been unable to construct a sustainable strategic basis for relations. This has contributed to an ‘on-again, off-again’ pattern in military ties. Trends show a pattern of frequent disruptions in military-to-military relations from 2000 to 2010, followed by an increase in interactions beginning in 2012. Nevertheless, obstacles on both sides are likely to limit mutual trust and constrain future development of military-to-military relations.     

朝核问题对中国边境安全的影响

朝核问题一直是困扰东北亚地区安全的核心问题,自20世纪90年代第一次朝核危机至今．朝核问题不但没有得到妥善解决,反而更加复杂。2006年10月9日,朝鲜宣布成功进行了地下核试验,朝鲜半岛再一次成为全球关注的焦点。在前人研究的基础上,就朝核问题产生的背景,朝核问题对中国边境地区经济、地区稳定以及生态环境等方面产生的影响进行分析和探讨。     

浅谈我国高校招生制度改革的公平性

教育公平是构建社会主义和谐社会的一个重要内容,而招生制度公平是教育公平的重要保障。本文试图在分析我国高校招生制度公平存在问题基础上,对提高高校招生制度公平性改革做深入的探讨。     

War and peace in contemporary India

ABSTRACT

This Special Issue looks at the importance of institutions and the role played by international actors in crucial episodes of India’s strategic history. The contributions trace India’s tryst with war and peace from immediately before the foundation of the contemporary Indian state to the last military conflict between India and Pakistan in 1999. The focus of the articles is as much on India as it is on Pakistan and China, its opponents in war. The articles offer a fresh take on the creation of India as a regional military power, and her approach to War and Peace in the post-independence period.     

论边防在中国和平崛起中的作用

中国的和平崛起是指中国以和平的方式崛起,但这并不意味着崛起会抛开以国防为依托。而边防是国防的有机组成部分,边防在维护国家领土完整和主权独立中扮演着非常重要的角色。试图根据边防的各种职能,分析边防在中国和平崛起中的具体作用。     

China's Global Equity Oil Investments: Economic and Geopolitical Influences

In this article, we construct and analyze an original database of overseas Chinese equity oil investments (EOI) in order to assess the relative importance of economic and geopolitical factors in determining the type of countries that are most likely to receive those investments. We find that China's national oil companies (NOCs) choose to make considerable investments in certain oil rich countries while ignoring others. We develop and examine ‘economic opportunity’ and ‘geopolitical relevance’ explanations of Chinese EOI. The economic explanation assumes that Chinese oil companies operate autonomously despite the fact that they are state owned, and that they seek international experience in countries offering less competition but more risk. The geopolitical explanation suggests that Chinese equity oil investments are developed and coordinated by the central government as part of a geopolitical strategy that is designed to bypass the so-called ‘Malacca Dilemma’ and deepen security ties with oil-rich states through the conduct of oil diplomacy. We argue that Chinese EOI tends to reflect both corporate interests and government priorities, and that it generates more liabilities rather than benefits for China.