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161.
所谓“中国特色社会主义”,主要强调中国社会主义发展道路的独特性,可以从四个角度对其内涵进行界定:经济文化落后的基本国情决定了其与科学社会主义的区别;一系列鲜明的时代特征体现了其与传统社会主义模式的迥异;社会主义现代化的道路又有别于资本主义现代化的发展道路;两种截然不同的政治道路则划清了其与民主社会主义的界限。  相似文献   
162.
联合国维和警察是一个特殊的职业群体,所处的工作和生活环境艰苦、恶劣、危险。维和警察面对这种超出常规的精神压力,出现各种各样的心理问题是必然的。维和警察的心理问题仅仅依靠维和警察个人自我调节是远远不够的,必须建立一套有效的调控机制来预防和治疗其心理问题,维护好他们的心理健康。  相似文献   
163.
传统教学以学生被动接受,死记课本知识,教师为课堂主宰,教学单向流动,学生个性受到严重压抑为特点。建构主义摒弃了这些传统教学方式,强调学生是知识意义的主动建构者,学生是教学的主体,教师是学生知识建构的组织者、参与者、帮助者,学生的背景知识受到重视,学生的个性得到充分的尊重,师生、生生的交流互动是教学中重要环节。在建构主义理论指导下的写作教学体现了平等、互动、创新的特质。  相似文献   
164.
新中国道德建设的基本经验主要是:形成了社会主义道德体系,坚持社会主义核心价值体系主导地位;明确了“相适应”、“相协调”、“相承接”三者统一的目标任务,坚定中国特色社会主义方向;坚持了先进性与广泛性相结合的实践要求,发挥先进典型示范引导作用,等。在新的历史时期,我们要力戒道德建设的“无我化”、“空洞化”和“泛政治化”,抵制“非道德主义”和“道德相对主义”的泛滥与风行。新中国道德建设的发展走向是:要在社会主义核心价值体系中,大力践行社会主义荣辱观;在“四观”中凸显道德观教育;在“四真”上下工夫塑造道德主体。  相似文献   
165.
该文以品牌联合为视角,分析了西部高校实施大学品牌战略过程中品牌联合的形式和影响因素,并提出了西部高校实施品牌联合的策略  相似文献   
166.
In a succession of disclosures over the summer of 2011, the People's Republic of China acknowledged the near completion of its first aircraft carrier and the initiation of a carrier building program. These revelations have come at a time of increased tension in the South China Sea on top of the wider worries in the region concerning China's overly assertive stance and the pace of its military modernization. This perspective will examine why the status of the vessel and the program have now been made public, in addition to surveying the wider implications this upgrade to Chinese maritime capabilities will have on the stability of the region over the coming years. However, this paper concludes that there is, at present, no reason for the sensationalism nor the threat‐mongering seen in many media outlets, of late. Hastily drawn conclusions based primarily on realpolitik fail to understand the nuances of this issue.  相似文献   
167.
刘义  郭建都  金倩 《火力与指挥控制》2012,37(2):105-106,111
模糊控制可有效提高惯稳回路的控制精度。由于实际的惯稳模型对模糊信号响应不足,可对控制对象的输入信号u(k)进行适当放大以加快系统输出的响应速度。对传统PID与模糊PID控制的仿真研究结果表明,模糊自适应PID控制对惯稳回路的控制效果要明显优于传统PID,不仅几乎不存在超调量,而且tr、ts非常理想,因此模糊PID控制完全有可能应用于实际的惯稳回路。  相似文献   
168.
In recent years, China has made stunning progress in its satellite reconnaissance capabilities. Starting from almost no capacity for live surveillance ten years ago, today the PLA has gained the capability to support real-time tactical naval operations from space. China's suite of electro-optical, synthetic aperture radar, and electronic intelligence satellites would be key to its anti-access/area denial capabilities, through which the PLA could deny the United States military the capability to operate with impunity close to its shores. Furthermore, these achievements suggest a shift towards more military-dedicated space assets and form the contours of a crucial support system for expanded PLA operations.  相似文献   
169.
This article makes three arguments about the Sino-American competition, the Sino-Indian rivalry, and the US-India partnership. First, past maritime-continental rivalries suggest that China will pose a greater challenge to American interests as it confronts fewer threats on land, while the US may require continental allies to counter-balance China's rise. Second, whereas a Sino-Indian continental security dilemma could benefit the US by compelling China to invest in capabilities that do not threaten it, a Sino-Indian maritime security dilemma could have the opposite effect. Third, Washington should consider India as a prospective continental ally rather than a potential maritime partner.  相似文献   
170.
On 8 March 2009, five Chinese vessels shadowed and aggressively maneuvered in close proximity to the US Naval Ship (USNS) Impeccable. This paper seeks to explain the incident and its aftermath in the context of Chinese coercive diplomacy. China's strategy, designed to motivate the US to cease surveillance operations near its militarily sensitive areas in the South China Sea, included three components: (1) the use of military provocation, (2) a coordinated media campaign, and (3) a challenge to US interpretations of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS). This study goes beyond traditional research on Chinese use of force to explain why China's coercive diplomatic campaign took the form it did. Only by understanding the nature and factors affecting Chinese coercive diplomacy can the US design the effective counter strategy needed to protect US regional and global interests.  相似文献   
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