Rényi信息增量和协方差联合控制的多传感器管理算法

针对目标跟踪中雷达组网场景下多传感器管理问题,结合Rényi信息增量和协方差两种算法各自特性,利用并行处理的思想提出了一种基于Rényi信息增量和协方差联合控制的传感器管理算法。在具体仿真设计环节,分为传感器跟踪能力大于目标数和传感器跟踪能力小于目标数两种场景。仿真结果表明该算法在单目标匀速、多目标匀加速等多数场景下能够对目标进行有效跟踪,同时降低了传感器的切换频率,具有更好的实时性。     

基于灰色加权马尔科夫的部队集成训练效果预测

针对GM(1,1)预测模型误差较大的问题,在GM(1,1)模型的基础上引入加权马尔科夫模型构建了部队集成训练效果预测模型。该模型以GM(1,1)模型存在的预测残差作为划分马尔科夫状态的依据,通过加权处理对预测结果进行修正。实例分析结果表明,该模型算法简单,易于实现,可以较大地提高部队训练效果预测精度,为部队开展科学有效的实战化训练提供了有力的数据支撑。     

Leadership and national security: an interrogation of the Boko Haram violence in Nigeria

This study contends that an analysis of the nexus between leadership and security offers useful insights into explaining conflict by stating that the conceptualisation of these argots, especially through the definition of leadership as a process, helps to explain and address Nigeria’s security challenges. By arguing that leaders’ ability to establish mutuality with their followers in any situation and set collectively-generated means for attaining these set goals for societal security, the study shows how such a relationship creates a secured state. This is not the case in Nigeria, where leaders’ security decisions are influenced by external actors rather than by their followers. By showing that the Nigerian ruling elite’s security agendas intersect with dominant global notions of security while neglecting genuine security interests of ordinary Nigerians, the study contextualises the complex global and local security interests in Nigeria. The lack of an intersection at home, however, has contributed to the emergence of extremists such as the Boko Haram sect, as well as the escalation of the acts of violence they perpetrate. As national insecurities become complex and intractable, ‘elegant’ or unilinear solutions – such as a military approach – lack the capacity to address these problems.     

Too much Western bias? The need for a more culturally adaptable approach to post-conflict security sector reform

The existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes.     

“Effing” the military: a political misunderstanding of management

The use of commercial business management techniques is widespread in all government departments, including the Ministry of Defence. This article examines the use of popular management techniques in the Armed Forces and argues that their application is misplaced. It looks at what the “effs” – “efficiency” and “effectiveness” – mean in the business world and to the Armed Forces. It compares the definitions both in business and the Armed Forces and finds that there are few, if any, situations where the same measurements can be applied. Whilst many management techniques are suited for business, the function of the Armed Forces and its output cannot be measured in the same way, complicated by the different metrics of “efficiency” in peace and in war. This difference may not be clearly understood by some politicians, or indeed by some senior military personnel. Using examples from some of the most popular management techniques such as “Lean” and “Agile” it is possible to see that their use might actually diminish the capabilities of the Armed Forces when it comes to performing their principal role – the use of force to achieve political objectives.     

美国联合非致命武器项目及其十年科技战略规划

美国联合非致命武器理事会在成立20周年之际发布了《联合非致命武器项目科技战略规划2016-2025》,对未来十年相关领域的科技发展做出了部署安排。本文介绍美国联合非致命武器项目的使命职能、组织机构、运行模型、代表性成果以及十年科技战略规划,旨在为技术创新和管理创新提供参考和借鉴。     

新型防空警戒雷达训练

在防空兵警戒雷达专业传统训练方法的基础上,结合新型警戒雷达技术体制特点,对新型警戒雷达训练进行的一系列探索,对于防空部队作战能力的提升起到了重要的推动作用。     

航空弹药供应保障存在的问题及对策

在现代高技术信息化战争中,航空弹药地位和作用日渐突出。在分析了信息化条件下现代战争对航空弹药供应保障提出的新需求基础上,指出了航空弹药供应保障存在的不足,并从航空弹药的储备、管理和供应三个方面分别提出了相应的对策。研究表明,着眼应急作战的实际需要,搞好航空弹药供应保障,提高应急作战弹药供应保障能力,是摆在面前的一个现实而又紧迫的任务。     

Country survey: military expenditure and defence policy in Norway 1970–2013

This article examines military expenditure and defence policy in Norway from 1970 to 2013. Until 1990 Norwegian military expenditure remained between 2.5 and 3.0 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Despite constant GDP shares, the military expenditure could not sustain a large and properly armed mobilization army. The constant nominal defence budgets of the 1990s accentuated the Norwegian Armed Forces' underlying imbalance between tasks, structure and budget. Around year 2000, large organizational reforms were effectuated, in which costs, the number of man-years, and underlying imbalances between tasks, structure and budget were reduced. Military expenditure increased in nominal terms between 2003 and 2013, while real military expenditure remained practically constant.     

Security sector reform in Africa: Donor approaches versus local needs

Many African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually.