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391.
Ulrich Schneckener 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2017,28(4-5):799-816
AbstractMilitias and rebels depart from different angles when it comes to the politics of legitimacy. While rebels have to address the issue of legitimacy early on in order to gain popular support, militias can rely on some kind of ‘borrowed legitimacy’. Based on this observation, the paper introduces militias as special form of organised violence visible in many civil wars and fragile states as well as elaborates on the politics of legitimacy typical for militias. By distinguishing different forms of militia violence (counter-insurgency, counter-rival and counter-crime), the articles shows how militias respond to major challenges in legitimizing violent actions. 相似文献
392.
393.
Terence M. Holmes 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(7):1039-1058
Clausewitz was much preoccupied with the apparent contradiction between real and absolute war. Why did war in history so rarely exhibit the extremes of violence and energy implied in the pure concept of war? Clausewitz’s commentators have usually followed him in thinking that this was a genuine problem in need of a solution, but I want to question that view. I will argue that Clausewitz did not have a coherent philosophy of absolute war, and therefore the contradiction he posited between real and absolute war was equally meaningless – as, too, was his effort to resolve it by claiming that some real wars approached or even attained the absolute form of war. The real problem was not the opposition of real and absolute war, but the self-contradictory theory of absolute war. 相似文献
394.
Davis Brown 《Journal of Military Ethics》2017,16(3-4):145-156
Interdisciplinary communication on war is impeded by doctrinal gaps concerning its morality, immorality, and amorality. Much is written on ad bellum ethical standards for military force by states, mainly in the fields of international politics and religious studies. However, a necessary first step in comparing these different approaches to war ethics with each other is to develop a system for classifying them. The classification system offered in this paper places war ethics on a grid with two scales. One axis of the grid ranges from permissiveness to restrictiveness. The other axis ranges from regard for self to regard for others. Twelve forms of war ethics are assigned points within the grid, including pacifism, just war, holy war, UN Charter obligations, several variants of realism, cost–benefit analysis, isolationism, and various ideological war ethics such as communist and fascist approaches. In doing so, this paper lays the groundwork for “quantifying” war ethics, to enable measurements of their effects against other state-level characteristics and outcomes of interaction. 相似文献
395.
文章就习主席提出的\"两个不够\"问题——打现代化战争能力不够及指挥现代化战争能力不够,提出了在全军实行《岗位资格认证制度》和《岗位轮换制度》,在全军院校实施\"教学名师工程\",以及进一步加强部队训练与考核大纲体系建设三点措施建议。 相似文献
396.
为贯彻落实依法治军、依法治储要求,推动战备物资储备工作法治化,提高我军战备物资储备法规体系建设的科学化水平,本文探讨了加强战备物资储备法规体系建设的必要性,深入分析了美国、日本、俄罗斯战储法规制度建设情况以及立法特点、实践经验。结合我军战储建设实际,借鉴他国的立法思路,在法规体系建设上提出基于立法规划、法规制订、立法研究、立法队伍建设等方面的措施建议,对建立适应我军新的编制体制和战储建设实际的法规制度具有重要作用。 相似文献
397.
对指挥谋略进行概念分析,确定基于计算机兵棋系统的指挥谋略训练内容;明确计算机兵棋推演的一般步骤和注意事项;以联军2004年11月\"破晓\"行动为例运用计算机兵棋系统进行指挥谋略训练。研究表明,基于计算机兵棋系统运用战例研究可以成为增强军校本科学员指挥谋略的训练模式。 相似文献
398.
Marina Eleftheriadou 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2015,26(4):616-639
Greek cinema has documented and debated the civil war and its repercussions under different angles, largely defined by censorship, the general political climate, and cinematic trends. This article, first, offers a retrospective that traces the evolution of Greek cinema's ‘takes’ on the civil war vis-à-vis the political changes. Second, it provides an in-depth analysis of Costas Gavras’s film Z, examining its relevance to Greece and how political conflict, in general, is cinematically depicted. The article argues that Z and Gavras’s cinema have been affected and have affected the Greek political situation. However, while Z has spearheaded an international cinematic genre (political thriller), it had minimal effect on the Greek cinema. 相似文献
399.
400.
《African Security Review》2012,21(2):75-94
ABSTRACTTo date, two power-sharing agreements have been signed since civil war broke out in South Sudan in December 2013. The first agreement collapsed just after one year when renewed fighting broke out in July 2016. The second agreement signed in September 2018 continues to experience implementation challenges and ceasefire violations, while some of the parties declined to sign it. This article explores the role of distrust in stagnating the power-sharing agreements, and how trust building could be a game-changer. In a semi-structured in-depth interview, 29 key stakeholders were interviewed, including the conflict parties, mediators, eminent South Sudanese personalities, scholars and civil society leaders. Five major themes emerged: historical conflicts, estranged political relationships, power struggles, resource control and ethnic violence (not included in this article). The results suggest the conflict is sustained by a trust deficit among the parties arising from unresolved historical conflicts to estranged political relationships and power struggles. The article recommends transitional justice approaches for trust building and sustainable agreements. 相似文献