Terrorism as Method in Nepali Maoist Insurgency, 1996–2016

During the period 1996–2006, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) waged overt people’s war to seize state power and institute a new order that realized the party’s understanding of ‘New Democracy’ as posited by Mao Tse-tung. Contextual shifts led to a crucial strategic turning point in September 2005, when the Maoists agreed to a united front with estranged legal parties to oust the monarchy and establish a republic. Though touted as acceptance of political reintegration, the move was tactical rather than strategic. The party had no intention of supporting a parliamentary version of democracy and thus, 2006–2016, engaged in a covert effort to seize power. Central to this effort was the paramilitary Young Communist League (YCL), the members of which responded to inflammatory party verbiage and exhortations with attacks upon rival political actors. These attacks, academically and legally, were terrorism and offered a salient illustration of intra-state unrestricted warfare. Ultimately, organizational, national, and regional circumstances caused the main Maoist movement to move decisively away from its covert approach. By that time, however, radical splinters had embraced the use of terrorism against rival political actors, creating a situation whereby local politics is yet a dangerous endeavor in certain areas and at certain times.     

The rhetoric and practice of the international responsibility to prevent mass atrocities: Reflections on South Africa’s peacebuilding role in South Sudan (2005–2013)

While global consensus on the meaning and application of the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle remains tenuous, there is little contention among major actors that the development of the norm should prioritise the prevention of mass atrocities. In particular, Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) – which have a role to play that is vital to the future development of R2P as a global norm but which continue to express reservations about the intent and application of the doctrine – have been strong advocates of the preventive aspects of the principle. This rhetorical consensus, however, belies the conceptual and practical challenges that are associated with the prevention of mass atrocities. In this paper, the example of South Africa’s post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) interventions in South Sudan from 2005 to 2013 is used to reflect on the role of external actors in supporting conflict-affected states to implement the preventive aspects of R2P. It is argued that while South Africa, like other BRICS countries, has used the rhetoric that atrocity prevention should be at the core of R2P to legitimise its opposition to military intervention for humanitarian purposes, it has struggled to back this rhetoric with coherent strategies and concrete actions to prevent mass atrocity crimes within its sphere of influence. The gap between rhetoric and practice in the preventive aspects of R2P is not unique to South Africa, but highlights fundamental difficulties inherent to global efforts to prevent mass atrocities.     

Nuclear weapons and alliance institutions in the era of President Trump

The swearing in of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States presages, at the very least, a period of flux in American strategy with respect to the relationship between nuclear weapons and alliances. In this response to three thoughtful rejoinders to our article, “Nuclear weapons, the United States and alliances in Europe and Asia: Toward an institutional perspective,” we clarify key aspects of our argument and discuss why alliance institutions are likely to be relatively robust in the face of change, how they can influence national decision-making, and argue that they may exert a moderating influence over the new administration.     

Too much Western bias? The need for a more culturally adaptable approach to post-conflict security sector reform

The existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes.     

运用“五种思维”提升部队指挥员应急处置能力

运用底线思维、辩证思维、创新思维、战略思维和历史思维五种思维有效提高部队指挥员应急处置的安全防控能力、决策能力、应变能力、控制能力和学习能力。     

(Re-)emergent orders: understanding the negotiation(s) of rebel governance

Abstract

The concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict – seemingly such a ‘disordering’ process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control.     

基于核与灰度的区间灰数多属性群决策方法

针对属性值为区间灰数且专家权重未知、属性权重部分已知的不确定多属性群决策问题,提出了一种基于区间灰数的核和灰度的决策方法。给出了区间灰数的基于核和灰度的简化形式,充分利用区间灰数的核和灰度的信息建立优化模型求得属性的权重。在求出属性权重的基础上,运用灰色关联方法分别求取各专家的核与灰度距理想方案值的关联系数,综合两者得到专家权重,最终综合专家意见并对方案比较排序得出最优结果。鉴于此,提出一种基于区间灰数相对核与灰度的决策方法。最后以一个算例验证该方法的有效性和可行性。     

电子战飞机远距支援干扰阵位配置建模与仿真

针对电子战飞机远距支援干扰新体制雷达阵位配置问题进行研究。首先是对电子战飞机干扰效能量化分析,从俯仰和方位两个方面对干扰覆盖范围进行建模仿真。基于干扰统一方程,建立干扰阵位配置优化模型,包括阵位配置区域和阵位配置高度模型,并给出了干扰阵位配置参数的具体计算方法。最后,通过仿真实例验证模型的有效性,结果表明该模型对于电子战飞机阵位配置有一定的指导意义。     

基于Bayes统计理论的射表编拟方法

全面系统阐述了Bayes统计理论下的射表编拟方法,具体研究了验前信息的处理、符合计算、编拟计算及试验用弹量的确定等几个关键难点问题,同时导出了确定先验分布中未知参数的计算公式、射表基本诸元的后验估计公式、射表试验用弹量的计算公式。通过两个实例对其具体使用方法给予了详细说明并对其结果进行了分析,指出应用该方法可以在相同精度要求下节省用弹量或在相同用弹量下提高射表精度,具有很好的经济适用价值。