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The problem is to protect a set of t targets by n perfect interceptors against an attack by m perfect weapons. If the defender solves for an optimal preallocated preferential defense and associated game value assuming m1 attackers, and the attacker knows the assumption of the defender and utilizes m2 attackers, he may be able to achieve significantly more damage than had the defender assumed that there would be m2 attackers. The article treats the robustness of preallocated preferential defense to assumptions about the size of the attack and presents results of an alternative approach.  相似文献   
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This paper presents a model for choosing a minimum-cost mix of strategic defenses to assure that specified production capacities for several economic sectors survive after a nuclear attack. The defender selects a mix of strategic defenses for each of several geographic regions. The attacker chooses an allocation of attacking weapons to geographic regions, within specified weapon inventories. The attack is optimized against any economic sector. This formulation allows the defense planner the capability to assess the results of the optimal defense structure for a “worst case” attack. The model is a mathematical program with nonlinear programming problems in the constraints; an example of its application is given and is solved using recently developed optimization techniques.  相似文献   
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In January 1950 President Harry S. Truman announced that the United States would proceed with further work to determine the feasibility of a ‘Super’, or hydrogen, bomb. The events leading up to that decision – counter-pressures and advocacy from a number of quarters, including the divided Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), the nuclear scientists, Congress and the Pentagon – is well known. Less attention has been given to how the story of the Super came to be told in official and popular publications. Admiral Lewis L. Strauss, rogue member of the AEC, later presidential adviser on atomic affairs and AEC chairman, was one of the most vigorous advocates of developing thermonuclear weapons. He was also a highly skilled player of bureaucratic politics. This article draws upon the Strauss archives to examine how he used his position and his contacts to shape the history of the H-bomb to his own political advantage.  相似文献   
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In military situations of sharply increasing combat activity the Marine Corps is faced with training problems in its expanding aviator corps. Additional training aircraft are required, and procurement decisions must be made. In view of the significant costs involved in procurement and operation of new high performance aircraft, it is very desirable to buy and operate an efficient mix of aircraft necessary for training the pilots to make the Marine Aircraft Wings essentially 100-percent tactically qualified. The mathematical model presented here enables computation of a least-cost mix of training aircraft which satisfies certain specified training requirements. The basic element allowing tradeoffs is the commonality of training available in the F4, RF4, A6, and EA6 types of aircraft. Both airframe oriented and mission oriented training are necessary, but the airframe oriented training can be conducted in either of the aircraft possessing the commonality. Training requirements over a five year period are considered, and the mix of training aircraft has the minimum five year procurement and operating cost.  相似文献   
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The paper presents the formulation and several solutions of a model for allocating a fixed number of aircraft to carriers and to missions. The amount of damage that can be inflicted is maximized. A nonseparable concave nonlinear objective function expresses diminishing marginal damage. Linear constraints on aireraft, carrier space, and aircraft availability for missions are included. The model is solved using the sequential unconstrained minimization technique (SUMT). The model is presented in terms of a scenario. Several different exponential damage functions are treated, and S-shaped damage functions are discussed.  相似文献   
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This study revisits the causal linkages between military spending and economic growth in China and G7 countries (i.e. Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK, and the USA) by focusing country-specific analysis for the period 1988–2010. The panel causality analysis, which accounts for both cross-country dependency and heterogeneity across countries, is employed in this study. Our results find evidence of the neutrality hypothesis for Italy, France, and Germany, the military spending–growth detriment hypothesis for both Canada and the UK, and one-way Granger causality running from economic growth to military spending for China. Furthermore, we find a feedback between military spending and economic growth in both Japan and the USA. Thus, our results do not support that one size fits all.  相似文献   
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