The long shadow of colonial cartography: Britain and the Sino-Indian war of 1962

ABSTRACT

This article examines British responses to the Sino-Indian border war of 1962. It illustrates how, in the years leading up to the war, Britain’s colonial legacy in the Indian subcontinent saw it drawn reluctantly into a territorial dispute between Asia’s two largest and most powerful nations. It analyses disagreements in Whitehall between the Foreign Office and Commonwealth Relations Office over the relative strength of India and China’s border claims, and assesses how these debates reshaped British regional policy. It argues that the border war was instrumental in transforming Britain’s post-colonial relationship with South Asia. Continuing to filter relations with India through an imperial prism proved unsatisfactory, what followed was a more pragmatic Indo-British association.     

精神困境·救赎之路·孤独之旅—谈鲁迅与史铁生

史铁生是当代著名作家,他的作品思想深邃,精神探索超前,艺术方面也达到一定高度,鲁迅对他的影响很深刻,二人的创作无论在内容方面还是在艺术方面都有异曲同工之妙,二人共同关注着精神困境和生命本真,共同寻找和思考救赎之路,并且用三种相同的方式表达孤独。     

清季民初国家主义教育思潮及其影响述论

作为近代中国教育思潮的一种,国家主义教育思潮最早出现在清末,五四后至二十年代达到鼎盛,其标志是出现了专门的教育团体——国家教育协会和专门的学派——国家主义教育派。清季民初国家主义教育思潮的兴起与发展,从内因上看是受民族危机的刺激,在外因上则是受日本和欧美同类思潮的影响。该思潮对清季民初中国教育,特别是对二十年代的收回教育权运动,产生了重要影响。     

伟大的旗帜深刻的意蕴

党的十七大鲜明确立了中国特色社会主义旗帜的指导地位。中国特色社会主义旗帜,是马克思主义真理观和价值观相统一的旗帜;其精神实质,是坚持科学社会主义基本原则与根据我国实际和时代特征赋予其鲜明中国特色的有机统一;其实践形态,是中国特色社会主义道路;其理论形态,是中国特色社会主义理论体系。高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜,就需要倍加珍惜、长期坚持和不断发展这条道路和理论体系。     

论中国教育现代化中的依附性问题

按照依附理论,从历史发展的过程及社会结构的角度来看,中国教育现代化有很强的依附性特征。基于此,中国教育在其现代化过程中,必须在利用依附发展特性的基础上,摆脱、超越对西方发达国家教育的依附;中国教育现代化必须处理好与经济发展、政治民主、法制建设之间的关系,以此促进自己的现代化进程。     

模糊偏序关系的一种信息集成方法

以模糊超过关系、模糊不协调关系为例,就模糊偏序关系给出了一种基于分组加权极大(极小)算子的信息集成方法,讨论了该方法的一致性、非独裁性等性质.     

Introduction

ABSTRACT

The new nuclear history can make a critical contribution by forcing us to reconsider or reframe the theoretical premises of the concepts we apply to our understanding of the present – and with which we try to navigate the future. It bears on fundamental questions, such as: How should the US manage its alliances? Should it establish a multilateral nuclear policy dialogue in Asia? In what depth should it discuss issues of doctrine and targeting with its Asian allies? What capabilities might reassure European allies in light of current Russian revisionism? Could nuclear war be limited and controlled in an East Asian maritime arena? Do nuclear weapons strengthen an alliance, or do they introduce a divisive bone of contention? Is extended nuclear deterrence (END) stabilizing or is it on the contrary pushing the allies to ask for more? What is the relationship between nuclear and conventional forces in END credibility? How do nuclear alliances contribute to international security and international order? The lessons and insights from these papers, which look at five historical cases of US extended deterrence during the Cold War, should help us think about crucial current issues, and be of use both to historians who want to have a better understanding of the Cold War past and to policymakers who are currently grappling with these issues.     

Deterrence Beyond Downunder: Australia and US Security Guarantees since 1955

ABSTRACT

From 1944 to 1973 Australia attempted to acquire atomic weaponry. This ambition was driven by the desire to contribute to defending British interests in Asia, fears of invasion by China, Indonesia, and Japan, great-power war, and the belief that nuclear weapons were merely bigger and better conventional weapons, that they would proliferate, and that US security assurances lacked credibility. Although the pursuit of the bomb was eventually abandoned, this was not the result of US assurances. Rather, geopolitical changes in Australia’s environment meant that a major attack on the continent was unlikely to occur outside the context of a confrontation between the US, China, and the Soviet Union. This article argues that Australia may soon have to rethink its policies towards US extended deterrence and instead focus on developing its own deterrent.     

Bridging the Gap: Mobilisation Constraints and Contractor Support to US and UK Military Operations

The increasing use of private military and security companies (PMSCs) has attracted considerable scholarly attention due to its corrosive effects on US democracy. Drawing on neoclassical realism, this article provides a comparative dimension to the study of the political drivers of military privatisation by analysing contractor support to US and UK operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Domestic political constraints have shaped both US and UK response to the need for more boots on the ground, increasing the propensity to use contractors as a force multiplier in spite of their problematic impact on military effectiveness.     

Reserve forces and the transformation of British military organisation: soldiers,citizens and society

In recent years, there has been a sharp growth in political and sociological interest in the British military. Set against the backdrop of the armed forces’ increasing presence in everyday life, alongside the organizations’ ongoing restructuring, the current paper focuses on the MoD’s problematic attempts to recruit 30,000 reservists by 2020; what has become known as the Future Reserves 2020 programme (FR2020). We argue that these changes are driven in part by the need to cut costs in defence. However, we also suggest that they are a reflection of the changing nature of modern military organisation, and the manner in which armed forces engage with the societies of which they are a part, and with the citizens that make up that society. We locate FR2020 programme in the context of a wider narrative about the changing nature of military organisation in contemporary western democracies, identifying structural, circumstantial and normative reasons for change. We also examine the specific challenges of implementing FR2020 in practice, including issues of recruitment and retention, integration and support, and relations with families and employers, drawing on the experience of comparator countries to do so. We conclude by considering the implications of these changes, both for the future of UK armed forces, and for the evolving nature of military-society relations in Britain.