A Good Ally - Norway and International Statebuilding in Afghanistan, 2001-2014

The article examines the findings of the Commission of Inquiry established by the Norwegian government in 2014 to evaluate all aspects of Norway’s civilian and military contribution to the international operation in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2014. Concerned with the wider implications of the Commission’s findings, it focuses on two issues in particular: (1) Norway’s relations with the US, a close and long-standing strategic ally whose resources, capabilities and dominance of decision-making dwarfed that of all other coalition partners in Afghanistan; and (2) Norway’s record in the province of Faryab, where, from 2005 to 2012, a Norwegian-led Provincial Reconstruction Team was charged with bringing security, good governance and development to the province. How Norway prioritised and managed relations with the US highlights and helps to problematise the challenges – political, practical and moral – facing small and medium-sized powers operating in a coalition alongside the US. Norwegian efforts in Faryab are revealing of the dilemmas and contradictions that plagued and, ultimately, fatally undermined the international intervention as a whole. As such, Norway’s experience provides a microcosm through which the inherent limitations of the attempt to transfer the structures of modern statehood and Western democracy to Afghanistan can be better understood.     

面向大型机构的统一身份管理方法

通过借鉴自由联盟组织提出的Liberty框架,并针对该框架的结构以及身份提供者之间信任关系的建立模式进行改造,提出一种面向大型机构的新型身份管理联盟。新型的身份管理联盟比Liberty框架更加适用于具有分布性、自治性、全局性和协同性的大型机构。新型的身份管理联盟在物理结构上可看作由多个身份提供者节点组成的一棵树,其中每个身份提供者节点必须并且只能与其父节点和子节点建立信任关系,这与现实中各个大型机构的树状层级结构是完全相符的。在系统实现过程中,依托新型身份管理联盟的树状结构,并采用LDAP实现了用户认证数据的分级存储。此外还通过安全认证网关在网络层对用户的接入进行控制,从而能够同时支持B/S和C/S两类应用系统的单点登录。     

Security,autonomy and defense burdens: The effects of alliance membership in the 19th and 20th centuries

This paper investigates the effect of alliance membership on the defense burdens of major powers in the 19th and 20th centuries. We hypothesize that the reactions of states to alliance membership will be different in the pre‐nuclear and nuclear eras. Possession of nuclear weapons by allies makes the security provided by the alliance more akin to a collective good than is the case in the pre‐nuclear era. States join alliances for two reasons: security and autonomy. The effects of each of these concerns are identified. We include in our model such alliance‐level factors as the power equivalence of the allies and the number of states in the alliance. We also look at state‐level variables such as power position within the alliance. We conclude that the nuclear period generally operates as the free‐rider principle would posit, while models based on “complementarity of effort” are more applicable in the earlier period.     

TIME-VARYING CHARACTERISTICS OF SOUTH KOREA-UNITED STATES AND JAPAN-UNITED STATES MILITARY ALLIANCES UNDER CHINESE THREAT: A PUBLIC GOOD APPROACH

This paper investigates the nature of two military alliances under Chinese threat. The findings are as follows: First, South Korea does not consider China a significant threat while Japan and the United States have recognized China as a serious threat since the 1990s and the 2000s, respectively. Second, the relationship between South Korea and the United States is a true military alliance for all time periods, but the nature of the alliance has changed since the 1970s. Third, although Japan began to form an alliance relationship with the United States in the 1990s, Japan is considered a more significant ally by the United States. This paper implies that, should China provoke a military confrontation, it might be difficult to deduce a common solution among the three countries because of the different response to military threats from China.     

Force deployment and the production of security: Why is the united states in NATO?

Standard economic concepts of production and cost minimization subject to a production constraint are used to derive the conditions of optimal deployment of home and forward military forces for the production of home security. United States' participation in the NATO alliance is then analyzed in the context of a two‐ally (U.S. and Western Europe) optimal force deployment model of NATO. Next, U.S. force‐basing policy is adduced as an enforcement mechanism for the “transatlantic contract.” Lastly, statistical evidence on burden sharing within Western Europe, and the effectiveness of the U.S. contract enforcement policy, is presented.     

三方物流联盟运行与管理研究 --重庆邮政与港务集团联盟案例分析

三方物流联盟已成为现代物流发展的必由之路,通过研究重庆邮政和重庆港务集团所建立的三方物流联盟的运行和管理模式,提出了三方物流联盟的流程重组、信息衔接和组织管理模式等,研究了利用信息化集成手段对物流资源进行重组、形成具有多个核心竞争能力和更广泛用户的三方物流联盟方法.对于构筑和优化三方物流联盟、促进现代物流业深入发展具有一定借鉴作用.     

VXI Plug & Play : 一种组建测试系统的理想规范

介绍了对推动ＶＸＩ技术发展具有重要意义的ＶＸＩＰｌｕｇ＆Ｐｌａｙ系统联盟成立的背景以及ＶＸＩＰｌｕｇ＆Ｐｌａｙ规范的主要内容,制定规范所遵循的原则和要求,对ＶＸＩＰｌｕｇ＆Ｐｌａｙ发展前景做了展望,说明了虚拟仪器软件结构的框架,并初步探讨了组建一个自动测试系统的方法和步骤以及如何利用ＶＸＩＰｌｕｇ＆Ｐｌａｙ设计仪器驱动程序。     

军事联盟的形成机制与对策

国家间的对抗与合作是国际关系中的最常见的问题,通过引入博弈论中的讨价还价模型和差分方程,分析了联盟的形成机制,并对三国合作、三国竞争以及三国部分合作对抗的情况进行了比较,通过数值仿真对模型分析过程进行了验证,仿真结果表明,不同类型国家的策略选择对博弈结果影响很大,研究内容较好地揭示了国家间矛盾与利益的变化规律,为深入理解国际关系提供了参考。     

Japan’s Emerging Trajectory as a ‘Cyber Power’: From Securitization to Militarization of Cyberspace

Japan has been overlooked as a ‘cyber power’ but it now becoming a serious player in this new strategic domain. Japanese policy-makers have forged a consensus to move cybersecurity to the very core of national security policy, to create more centralized frameworks for cybersecurity, and for Japan’s military institutions to build dynamic cyberdefense capabilities. Japan’s stance has moved rapidly toward the securitization and now militarization of responses to cyber challenges. Japan’s cybersecurity stance has bolstered US–Japan alliance responses to securing all dimensions of the ‘global commons’ and extended its defense perimeter to further deter but potentially raise tensions with China.     

非对称相互依赖下的美日军事同盟机制分析——以奥巴马政府“重返亚太”为视角

2012年1月5日,美国国防部发表了《保持美国的全球领导地位:21世纪的防务重点计划报告》,在"重返亚太"战略的战略背景下,重点针对美国未来的军事力量结构、全球部署态势、军事战略目标等进行了重新规划。新军事战略调整对整个国际格局和地区性大国产生深远影响。随着美国重返亚太的战略调整,军事上的相互依赖程度体现在美日同盟之间尤为突出。本文仅从军事战略角度,运用《权力与相互依赖》中部分理论对其调整下的美日军事同盟机制进行分析。