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1.
Soumyanetra Munshi 《Defence and Peace Economics》2019,30(3):278-308
This paper proposes a simple game-theoretic framework for analyzing the relationship between the government, industry and indigenous community, especially in the context of mounting violence surrounding displacement of indigenous communities by governments for the purposes of commercial use of their habitat. It specifically takes into account the possibility of alleged ‘nexus’ between the government and the industry and explores its implications on the level of allocation and utilities of the players. We find that the bias in allocation that occurs when the government and the industry enter a ‘nexus’ can be rectified when there is resistance from the indigenous groups. Moreover, rebellion is a dominant strategy of the indigenous community, irrespective of whether there is ‘nexus’ or not, and being in ‘nexus’ with the government is a best response for the industry. The unique SPNE occurs when there is ‘nexus’ between the industry and the government and resistance by the indigenous groups, corroborating the widespread allegations of ‘nexus’ and evidence of resistance worldwide. We also explore a few extensions of the basic model and present some narrative evidence in support of the theoretical model. 相似文献
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This article elaborates on how structural, normative and functional pressures for change may challenge military organizational characteristics. We problematize theoretically and exemplify empirically what consequences these pressures can have on military organizational characteristics, arguing that they constitute major challenges for managing in particular normative pressures for change. The empirical examples suggest that bureaucratic, hierarchical, narcissistic and greedy traits of the organization are challenged by normative pressures such as value changes and normalization. Another source of challenge is professionalization processes. Structural challenges, on the other hand, are managed by the organization and do not seem to inhibit the workings of organizational characteristics. The plausibility probe conducted questions the sustainability of military organizational characteristics in their traditional disguise, in particular due to legitimacy concerns. It is suggested that future research should be directed towards analyzing how military organizations manage pressure for change and whether their characteristics are questioned. 相似文献
3.
Today, few countries fight alone; most fight as allies or partners in multilateral campaigns. The end of the Cold War opened a window of opportunity for multinational military operations (MMOs). These have seen varying degrees of participation, enthusiasm, and success. This special forum is devoted to the politics of multilateral warfare including their formation, maintenance, and durability. The introduction sketches past research and derives some key questions of continuing relevance. The contributions shed light on the domestic and international politics of MMOs, focusing on the implementation of national restrictions and their repercussions for MMOs, party politics of military intervention, the conditions under which states decide to defect from military operations, and the role of junior partners in MMOs. In sum, this forum offers a fresh look at the politics of MMOs, including conceptual contributions to the study of national restrictions, domestic constraints, and coalition warfare. 相似文献
4.
Alejandro M. Rabinovich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):775-796
ABSTRACT In the decades following independence from Spain, ‘civil wars’ ravaged the newly established polities in South America. Former vice-regal capitals inherited a larger portion of the colonial administration and had larger economic resources and a hegemonic project they were able to have permanent and professional armed forces, capable of leading the offensive and giving battle following the European rules of military art. The central hypothesis of this work is that there is a necessary relationship between the shape of these asymmetrical conflicts, their outcome and the political territorial configuration of each country in post-revolutionary Spanish America. When permanent armies took over from local militias, the capital kept the integrity of its territories and there was a tendency towards political centralization. When this did not happen and the militias managed to find a way to defeat their centralizing enemies, the local powers had an opportunity to renegotiate their participation in the political body, and sought to maintain their independence, which was manifest in federal agreements, otherwise a process of territorial fragmentation began. More than a difference between regular and irregular forces there was one between intermittent, and permanent mobilization. 相似文献
5.
Stan Jagger 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(2):316-343
Armed groups are usually seen as threats to humanitarian action but less attention has been paid where they provide assistance to constituent populations. Ethnic armed groups (EAGs) in Myanmar have developed associated welfare organisations that perform this role. This article argues this is due to EAG social embeddedness and flexibility to changes in sources of funding and support, and the influence of their relations with international humanitarian organisations. This article further contends a subset of advocacy, health and education organisations have evolved to form a nascent civil society within the political and social non-state sphere of some established EAGs. 相似文献
6.
杨隽 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(3):5-8
公安现役高校在公安教育体系中处于重要位置,承担着人才培养、科学研究和服务部队的重要任务,对构建和谐社会责无旁贷。准确定位公安现役高校在构建和谐社会中所扮演的角色,可以充分发挥职能作用,为构建和谐社会做出应有贡献。 相似文献
7.
Kenton White 《Defence Studies》2017,17(4):346-358
The use of commercial business management techniques is widespread in all government departments, including the Ministry of Defence. This article examines the use of popular management techniques in the Armed Forces and argues that their application is misplaced. It looks at what the “effs” – “efficiency” and “effectiveness” – mean in the business world and to the Armed Forces. It compares the definitions both in business and the Armed Forces and finds that there are few, if any, situations where the same measurements can be applied. Whilst many management techniques are suited for business, the function of the Armed Forces and its output cannot be measured in the same way, complicated by the different metrics of “efficiency” in peace and in war. This difference may not be clearly understood by some politicians, or indeed by some senior military personnel. Using examples from some of the most popular management techniques such as “Lean” and “Agile” it is possible to see that their use might actually diminish the capabilities of the Armed Forces when it comes to performing their principal role – the use of force to achieve political objectives. 相似文献
8.
沈德富 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(1):1-4
确保军队绝对忠诚、绝对纯洁、绝对可靠,是习主席为推进我军革命化正规化现代化建设提出的新的标准和要求。“三个绝对”深刻揭示了铸牢强军之魂的本质内涵,体现了人民军队的本质特征。武警院校作为培养现代警官的摇篮,要切实深化思想认识,强化确保“三个绝对”的责任感使命感;要着力打牢学员举旗铸魂的理论根基,夯实听党指挥的思想基础,锤炼忠诚卫士的政治品格,培养造就“一懂五会”忠诚可靠、素质全面的合格人才。 相似文献
9.
深化武警院校改革,聚焦“能打仗、打胜仗”这个强军之要,必须构建武警法学学科体系。武警法学经历了孕育萌芽、研究探索、创立形成的发展阶段。构建武警法学学科体系,必须紧贴武警部队职能任务实际,发展武警法学的特色和优势,为部队培养“会指挥、懂法律的指挥警官和初级指挥人才”。 相似文献
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