CHINA AND THE U.S. BEYOND THE KOREAN PENINSULA

China-U.S. cooperation over the most difficult security problem in Northeast Asia—the North Korean nuclear issue—in essence projects its bigger power game amid the tectonic shifts of Asian geopolitics. The nuclear issue affords a test case to gauge the future posture of China and the United States in East Asia and their partnership in that conflict-prone region. Approaches to resolving this issue must take into account the geopolitical realignment of Asia, Washington's reorientation of relations with its Asian allies, and China's rise as an influential regional player and the subsequent regional response. However, the long-standing mistrust between China and the United States is contributing to a lack of substantial progress in Korean nonproliferation efforts. The declared nuclear test by Pyongyang further put the denuclearization cooperation between China and the Unites States on the line. China-U.S. cooperation in denuclearizing Pyongyang may either produce lasting stability for the region or create ‘‘collateral damage,’’ with the North Korean issue paling in comparison.     

NUCLEAR WEAPONS AS THE CURRENCY OF POWER

There are important similarities between the pattern of behavior Karl Marx identified with respect to commodities—a pattern he called “fetishism”—and the pattern of behavior identified in this article with respect to military force. Marx identified money as the mature expression of commodity fetishism; the author identifies nuclear weapons as the mature expression of the fetishism of force. As such, nuclear weapons function as the currency of power in the international system. This article lays out a theory of nuclear fetishism by adapting four themes that are characteristic of the pattern of behavior known as fetishism: materiality, historicality, efficacy, and reification. By applying these categories to the fetishism of nuclear weapons, the author shows that nuclear weapons represent a new social form consistent with, yet distinct from, other fetish objects.     

Democracy and peace: Reply to oneal and russett

The criticism of James, Solberg and Wolfson (JSW) (1999) by Oneal and Russett (OR) is not responsive to the methodologica] issues at stake. JSW argued that war is an endogenous feature of the world political and economic system. If its causes are to be measured, it must be as a structural equation in a simultaneous system. Wedded to the idea that “democracies never fight each other,” OR rely on a single equation to justify their view. JSW claim that such an equation may be an ad hoc reduced form with no causal implications unless the equation is explicitly identified as a structural equation. JSW expand the model to explain democracy and conflict as two endogenous variables. JSW do not claim to have discovered the true relationships between these variables by their minimal expansion of the structural relation. They do show that unless these (and other) variables are treated as part of a system, the results are unstable, contradictory, of minimal size and not a reliable guide to public policy.     

精神困境·救赎之路·孤独之旅—谈鲁迅与史铁生

史铁生是当代著名作家,他的作品思想深邃,精神探索超前,艺术方面也达到一定高度,鲁迅对他的影响很深刻,二人的创作无论在内容方面还是在艺术方面都有异曲同工之妙,二人共同关注着精神困境和生命本真,共同寻找和思考救赎之路,并且用三种相同的方式表达孤独。     

模糊偏序关系的一种信息集成方法

以模糊超过关系、模糊不协调关系为例,就模糊偏序关系给出了一种基于分组加权极大(极小)算子的信息集成方法,讨论了该方法的一致性、非独裁性等性质.     

关于联合国维和警察公共关系工作的几点思考

阐述了开展联合国维和警察公共关系工作的必要性与紧迫性,分析了开展联合国维和警察公共关系工作的原则与步骤,从加强联合国维和警察与各种传播媒体之间的公共关系工作;加强联合国维和警察与任务区民众之间的公共关系工作;加强联合国维和警察机构与联合国其他机构、各国驻维和任务区外交代表机构以及当地政府之间的公共关系工作;加强联合国维和警察内部派遣国警队之间的公共关系工作;重视发挥维和警察个体的公关作用;及时处理突发事件引起的公关危机等6个方面提出了开展维和警察公共关系工作的具体措施。     

地籍数据库点线拓扑一致性并行检查方法

针对拓扑检查算法复杂、计算量大,串行计算已远不能满足海量地籍数据高效拓扑检查需求的问题,在分析了点线拓扑关系的并行特点基础上,将界址点的数据划分方法与界址线的QR空间索引方法相结合,实现了界址点与界址线的并行拓扑计算。用某地区实际的界址点集与界址线集对点线拓扑并行检查进行实验。测试结果表明:并行检查算法的并行效率随着进程数的增加而有所衰减,但稳定在30%以上,加速比达到5以上,且相比于Arc GIS效率提升了30倍以上。并行检查方法以工具的方式集成应用于高性能地理计算平台中,应用效果良好。     

Civil–military relations and organisational preferences regarding the use of the military in Chinese foreign policy: insights from the debate on MOOTW

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the positions of the Chinese civilian leaders and military elites on Military Operations Other Than War in order to shed light on their preferences about the use of the armed forces in foreign policy between the late 1990s and the early 2010s. Over time, a significant divergence developed between civilians and soldiers until 2011, when the Libyan crisis happened. The study also prompts important considerations about our understanding of civil–military relations in China and future role of the People’s Liberation Army as a tool of statecraft in foreign policy.     

消防行政强制措施与消防行政处罚之关系探讨

从理论和实践方面分析了消防行政强制措施的性质,理清了消防行政强制措施与消防行政处罚之间的关系,认为消防行政强制措施与消防行政处罚决定是两个独立的具体行政行为,消防行政强制措施不是消防行政处罚的法定程序。