Lanchester方程与火力指数的内在联系

本文从Lanchester 方程出发,利用正矩阵的特性,将矩阵特征向量与火力指数有机地联系起来。通过例子进一步说明火力指数是Lanchester 方程中威力系数概念的推广;它不仅与武器本身有关,而且依赖于整个战斗的武器配系。当某些种类的武器被摧毁,战斗格局发生一定变化时,火力指数也会发生变化。火力指数还决定于火力分配原则。     

一个组合对策问题的解

本文求解如下的组合对策问题:设有一堆棋子,总数N 是奇数,甲乙两人轮流取子,每人每次可取一颗、二颗,最多可取s 颗,但不能不取,直至取完后分别来数甲乙两人所取棋子的总数,总数为奇数者获胜。站在甲的立场上考虑获胜的策略,文中解决了如下两个问题:(Ⅰ)总数N 应是什么样的奇数,甲才有获胜策略;(Ⅱ)当N 一定时,甲应采取什么样的策略取子,才能获胜。     

美国陆军网络装备作战评估及启示

作战试验能有效地推动装备体系的建设发展,本文通过分析美国陆军网络集成评估与联合作战评估的作战试验特点,提出军队开展装备作战试验的几个建议。首先,总结了美国陆军网络集成评估到联合作战评估的发展演变,主要包括网络集成评估的地位和作用、网络集成评估的实施流程以及13次网络集成评估和3次作战评估的有关情况;其次,分析了网络集成评估的一系列作战试验特点,诸如实际作战需求牵引、逼真场景构建、试训一体化模式、部队战斗力的直接生成以及作战能力的军民融合式发展等;最后,提出了网络集成评估带来的若干启示,从满足实战能力需求开展作战试验、突出装备体系的互操作能力评估、探索试训结合的作战试验模式、组建专门的作战试验部队及鼓励工业部门参与作战试验等方面推动军队作战试验的发展。     

Intelligence and military doctrine: paradox or oxymoron?

This article examines the evolution of the current British military joint intelligence doctrine. We argue that military intelligence doctrine is dogged by an intrinsic tension between the ethos and expectations of military doctrine and those of the professional practice of intelligence. We further argue not only that prior iterations of UK joint intelligence doctrine failed to effectively deal with this intelligence doctrine dilemma, but also that measures in the current doctrine to address this problem directly created their own problems. Moreover, as a result, otherwise sound innovations in the current UK intelligence doctrine have proven unsuitable to wider diffusion in more recent intelligence doctrine such as the new NATO intelligence doctrine which, otherwise, draws extensively on its British precursor.     

Coordination as showcasing: the establishment of Norway’s Afghanistan Forum

In complex operations such as the interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, where multiple government ministries are involved in putting together a state’s contributions, the use of national-level coordination bodies has become more widespread. Research has taken for granted that the rationale behind these bodies reflects their declared aim – enhanced coordination as a means to improve mission effectiveness. However, they appear to have had modest effect on coordination. That notwithstanding, they seem to remain popular. This prompts us to ask why such bodies are actually established. This article – based on in-depth interviews and archival records – critically explores the establishment of Norway’s ad hoc, inter-ministerial, political-level Afghanistan Forum. Distinguishing between a structural-instrumental, a cultural-institutional and an environmental perspective from organizational theory to structure the analysis, this article shows that the declared purpose of the forum, inter-ministerial coordination, proved less important than showcasing coordination efforts and keeping the coalition together. In addition, national traditions in handling coordination challenges in the central government apparatus and powerful international reforms helped bring the forum about. This has implications for research on the rationale and effectiveness of these bodies, and also for understanding their policy relevance.     

信息化战争背景下联合特种作战任务新特点

文章从任务内涵向新域拓展、任务效应向战略辐射、任务空间向多维扩展、任务环境向复杂发展和任务标准向精确要求等方面,分析了现代陆军重要作战形式“信息化联合特种作战”遂行任务的新特点和新变化,研究新型陆军未来作战。     

省部共建高校的服务定位：打造区域经济社会发展的核心动力源

省部共建高校是我国高等教育的重要组成部分,其服务应立足区域经济建设和社会发展的需要,一方面推进区域自主创新,另一方面实现学校自身又好又快的发展。该文从人才培养、科技创新、社会服务、文化辐射四方面分析了省部共建高校的服务定位,提出力争将其建设成为推动区域经济社会发展的核心动力源,成为地方高校发展的示范集群。     

基于ADAMS和Matlab的大口径舰炮发射系统动力学仿真

利用ADAMS和Matlab/Simulink两大软件的信息交互功能,将ADAMS中的全炮动力学仿真模型生成ADAMS_SUB模块,并将其嵌入联合后坐系统仿真模型中;通过ADAMS和 Matlab/Simulink同步运行对全炮进行发射动力学联合仿真,模拟大口径舰炮发射的全过程,分析全炮的动态响应.对全炮发射动力学联合仿真结果进行后处理分析,观察炮口扰动曲线,进行稳定性分析和炮口扰动分析.根据分析结果,对所建模型及仿真模块进行评价,结果表明,仿真结果与靶场试验数据基本吻合,为物理样机的研制提供了重要的理论参考依据.     

双声纳基阵二维目标联合测向交叉定位算法精度分析

主要对双声纳基阵二维目标联合测向交叉定位算法及精度进行了分析,给出了系统具体的定位公式和误差计算公式,并针对不同基线和不同基线误差、方位误差下目标GDOP的分布情况进行了仿真分析。仿真结果表明,定位误差随基线长度的增加而减小,随基线和方位误差的增大而增大,当基线增大到一定长度时．定位误差最终趋向稳定,达到最小。     

A Good Ally - Norway and International Statebuilding in Afghanistan, 2001-2014

The article examines the findings of the Commission of Inquiry established by the Norwegian government in 2014 to evaluate all aspects of Norway’s civilian and military contribution to the international operation in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2014. Concerned with the wider implications of the Commission’s findings, it focuses on two issues in particular: (1) Norway’s relations with the US, a close and long-standing strategic ally whose resources, capabilities and dominance of decision-making dwarfed that of all other coalition partners in Afghanistan; and (2) Norway’s record in the province of Faryab, where, from 2005 to 2012, a Norwegian-led Provincial Reconstruction Team was charged with bringing security, good governance and development to the province. How Norway prioritised and managed relations with the US highlights and helps to problematise the challenges – political, practical and moral – facing small and medium-sized powers operating in a coalition alongside the US. Norwegian efforts in Faryab are revealing of the dilemmas and contradictions that plagued and, ultimately, fatally undermined the international intervention as a whole. As such, Norway’s experience provides a microcosm through which the inherent limitations of the attempt to transfer the structures of modern statehood and Western democracy to Afghanistan can be better understood.