全文获取类型
收费全文 | 313篇 |
免费 | 37篇 |
国内免费 | 13篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 15篇 |
2019年 | 25篇 |
2018年 | 31篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 28篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 32篇 |
2013年 | 70篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 9篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 11篇 |
2007年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有363条查询结果,搜索用时 406 毫秒
1.
Christopher D. Kolenda 《战略研究杂志》2019,42(7):992-1014
ABSTRACTThe United States government has no organised way of thinking about war termination other than seeking decisive military victory. This implicit assumption is inducing three major errors. First, the United States tends to select military-centric strategies that have low probabilities of success. Second, the United States is slow to modify losing or ineffective strategies due to cognitive obstacles, internal frictions, and patron-client challenges with the host nation government. Finally, as the U.S. government tires of the war and elects to withdraw, bargaining asymmetries prevent successful transitions (building the host nation to win on its own) or negotiations. 相似文献
2.
3.
Andrew S. Bowen 《战略研究杂志》2019,42(3-4):312-343
What were Russia’s objectives in Eastern Ukraine, and why was it seemingly unable to achieve a successful or decisive outcome? In contrast to Russia’s seizure of Crimea, the uprising in Eastern Ukraine was marked by disorganization and chaos. Using proxy and surrogate actors, along with military exercises and the injection of Russian troops, Russia sought to institutionalize a political entity inside Ukraine to influence its domestic politics. In this article, I analyze the mechanisms by which Russia attempted to implement, and later salvage, its strategy. The article contributes to clearer theoretical and practical understanding of limited force in coercive diplomacy, signaling, and a more rigorous treatment of the role and uses of proxy actors. 相似文献
4.
Patrick A. Mello 《Contemporary Security Policy》2019,40(1):38-55
Recent scholarship in security studies has started to explore the causes and consequences of various forms of national restrictions in multinational military operations (MMOs). This article makes a conceptual contribution to this literature by developing a theoretical framework of national restrictions in MMOs that distinguishes between structural, procedural, and operational restrictions. I argue that these types of restrictions are governed by different causal mechanisms. Structural restrictions are relatively stable over time and effect deployment decisions irrespective of other factors. Procedural restrictions, on the other hand, can constitute veto points against deployment only in combination with distinct political preferences. Finally, operational restrictions directly affect the rules of engagement of troop contributing countries. The article illustrates the three types of restrictions and their interaction with empirical examples from a range of countries and sketches their impact on MMO deployment decisions and mandates. 相似文献
5.
Thomas Waldman 《Defence Studies》2019,19(1):85-105
This paper explores the notion that US efforts to evade the political costs of war paradoxically contribute to the subsequent exacerbation of costs over time. Leaders seek to purchase political capital in the short term by limiting the costs and requirements of military operations, but in doing so cause strategic and political liabilities to mount in the long run. While identification of such behaviour is not new, insufficient attention has been devoted to explaining its causes, dynamics, and manifestations in relation to key decisions on and in war. Evidence derived from studies of recent American discretionary campaigns is analysed to advance an argument with respect to this pattern of self-defeating strategic behaviour. 相似文献
6.
Michael H. Clemmesen 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(1):96-97
The article outlines the essential role of free play elements in various types of exercises for the development of in-depth and practical military professionalism. It thereafter argues why such use of free play contradicts the military science founded Russian Way of War. 相似文献
7.
David H. Tomback 《Arms and Armour》2019,16(1):56-74
The sword which is the subject of this article and which will be referred to as the Capel sword, is a fine example of what has become known as an Irish basket-hilt. Whilst there are other examples in existence, what makes this sword unique and particularly important is the fact that it is known to have been owned by two important Royalist military leaders, Lord Arthur Capel and Sir John Owen. These two extraordinary men came from different backgrounds but their fate was linked through circumstances beyond their control. The story this sword tells is one of comradeship, loyalty, total belief in a cause, betrayal and ultimate sacrifice. 相似文献
8.
9.
苏静 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2009,25(7):51-53,57
在我国,对于地方行政机关是否享有“军事行政立法权”,相关法律中没有作出直接的明确规定,因此学术界还存在着不同的观点。应当承认我国地方行政机关享有国防军事职权,可以制定有关国防军事事项的地方性行政规章。但是,承认地方行政机关享有军事行政立法权与允许其通过立法直接对当地驻军和现役军人作出规范性要求是两个不同的问题。承认前者并不意味着就肯定了后者。要避免地方行政机关的军事立法对军队的集中统一领导带来负面影响,就应当对其加以适当的限制。 相似文献
10.
海洋环境中弱信号的谱与海杂波的谱相混叠 ,目标和背景的位置差异很小 ,经典的频域或空域处理对海杂波中弱信号的检测难以奏效。鉴于Wigner-Ville分布 (WVD)对线性调频信号 (LFM )具有时频聚集性这一特点 ,提出了一种海洋环境中基于WVD的LFM信号检测方法。利用雷达采集的真实海杂波数据 ,在不同信杂比的条件下 ,研究了该方法与经典频域法在信号检测中的差别。通过实验分析 ,与经典方法相比 ,该方法具有明显的优越性 ,且信杂比达到 -14 . 3dB时 ,其仍能很好地对信号进行检测。 相似文献