The ligaments of counter-terrorism regime: sexual violence and the vicarious traumatisation of female non-governmental organisation workers: evidence from Nigeria

ABSTRACT

There is a dearth of studies on indirect victims of sexual violence in counter-terrorism efforts. Using Nigeria as a case study, this paper argues that global and state-level counter-terrorism policies have generally failed to account for the psychological effects of the engagement of female NGO workers in counter-terrorism operations or mitigating the effects of terrorism in conflict zones. Specifically, there has been an increase in sexual violence perpetrated by some members of the security agencies involved in counter-terrorism operations in North-eastern Nigeria. As a result, female NGO workers carry out Medicare, psychosocial counselling and advocacy for these victims. Female NGO workers become exposed to the trauma of victims of sexual violence, which affects their mental health and thus performances in counter-terrorism activities in the country. This altered their worldview on issues of safety even among secured locations or among the presence of security agents and reinforced feelings of powerlessness.     

国家安全中枢的构筑——对十八届三中全会决定“设立国家安全委员会”的解读

国家安全委员会具有“内外兼备”的基本职能,即：将维护国家安全与创新社会治理、创新有效预防和化解社会矛盾体制、健全公共安全体系等内政事务并列并举,在维护国内安全稳定方面也肩负重任。它较之现今的“国安领导小组”更为广泛和重要,是一个应对有别于国家日常工作之外的应急的危机管理机构,是应对可能的、突发的、潜在的对国家安全、利益构成威胁的前瞻性机构。     

油料洞库油罐通气管道设计分析

油料洞库油罐通气管道是油罐进行大呼吸、小呼吸的通道，使油罐气体空间的正负压力处于规定的压力范围，达到保护油罐安全的作用。通过计算油罐阻火器和油罐通气管道的压力损失，结合油罐呼吸阀的压力等级、油罐收发油流量等参数，分析了不同油罐通气管道管径对油罐内正负压力的影响，提出了油罐通气管道管径的选择原则。最后就油罐通气管道内油气的燃爆特性，提出了油罐通气管道的材质要求及其附设的抗爆振性要求。     

悬空管道的安全性评估

土壤滑坡或土壤冲蚀造成一段埋地管道成为悬空。管道悬空严重影响埋地输油管道的安全运行。基于双参数模型地基理论,把悬空管道设定为弹性地基梁,考虑轴向力、内压、内流、外流和土壤刚度系数等因素的作用,建立管道与土壤相互作用的力学模型,计算悬空管道的临界长度评估其安全性。根据管道边界条件和失效模式的不同,分析上述各因素对悬空管道临界长度的影响,进而对悬空管道的屈服失效、屈曲失效、共振和疲劳失效进行安全评估。结论对埋地管道的合理设计、土壤刚度的处理、管道安全性的提高具有工程实际意义。     

Budget allocation under uncertainty and the costs of war and insecurity

This study presents a framework and models for the analysis of government budget allocation into defense and civilian expenditures in situations of uncertainty about the incidence of war. The models display the intricate relationships between security levels, subjective probabilities of the occurrence of war, and potential war damages. We show that poor countries tend to perceive greater probabilities of war than their richer rivals, and that the psychological burden of insecurity is larger when the country’s wealth is larger and when its preference for security is higher. We apply our models to the Israeli–Syrian arms race and show that the higher rate of growth of Israel’s gross domestic product relative to that of Syria is expected to lead to an increase in Syria’s perception of the likelihood of war and to a decrease in Israel’s perception of such a likelihood. We also show that if Syria’s regime becomes ideologically more extreme, the monetary cost of maintaining Israel’s security at the level that it enjoyed prior to the change will be very high, whereas the monetary cost of maintaining Israel’s welfare will be moderate.     

油料洞库坑道油气蔓延规律与特性模拟实验研究

油料洞库储存着大量的易燃易爆油品,防火防爆工作是油库安全工作的核心.对单侧洞口油料洞库狭长地下坑道中的油气蔓延过程进行了模拟实验研究,研究结果表明:油气在狭长地下坑道中的蔓延过程大致可分为4个阶段:开始阶段、增长阶段、发展阶段、稳定阶段;蔓延呈明显的分层流动现象,且在发展阶段中处于稳定的分层蔓延;油料洞库的坑道结构对油...     

油库储油区燃烧爆炸事故树分析

针对油库储油区安全管理点多面广的特点,分析储油区燃烧爆炸事故的相关影响因素和条件,建立完善的事故树模型。通过定性分析理清燃烧爆炸事故与基本事件之间的逻辑关系,定量分析获得各项基本事件的结构重要度排序,找出储油区存在燃烧爆炸隐患的重点部位,制订科学合理的安全信息监控点设置策略,为油库安全管理手段向信息化迈进提供决策依据。     

机动管线便携式混油界面检测仪研制

机动管线大量运用于抢险、救灾、作战等特殊场合,顺序输送多种油品(水)是其主要输送工艺.及时、准确地检测和跟踪混油界面是保证输送油品质量、正确进行混油切割、减少混油损失的关键.根据机动管线特点和使用要求,在分析研究国内外常用混油界面检测技术的基础上,采用超声波“波辐射”法,研制出一种新型便携式混油界面检测仪.     

Nuclear weapons,the United States and alliances in Europe and Asia: Toward an institutional perspective

America’s alliances in Europe and East Asia all involve some institutional cooperation on U.S. nuclear weapons policy, planning or employment—from consultative fora in Asia to joint policy and sharing of nuclear warheads in NATO. Such cooperation is often analyzed through the prism of “extended nuclear deterrence,” which focuses on the extension of U.S. security guarantees and their effect on potential adversaries. This article argues that this underplays the importance of institutional factors: Allies have historically addressed a range of objectives through such cooperation, which has helped to catalyze agreements about broader alliance strategy. The varied form such cooperation takes in different alliances also flows from the respective bargaining power of allies and the relative importance of consensus, rather than perceived threats. The article concludes that nuclear weapons cooperation will remain crucial in successful U.S. alliance management, as allies negotiate their relationship with each other in the face of geostrategic change.     

Lesotho’s 2015 elections in the context of an ongoing security vacuum

After inconclusive elections in 2012, Lesotho had a coalition government for the first time, made up of three political parties that had a narrow majority in parliament. The new government, however, faced several challenges, some of which were of its own making. The agreement among the three parties was to literally divide the government into three parts, leading to a continuous stalemate in its operation; the most serious consequence was the prorogation of parliament and the resultant attempted coup. The flight of the prime minister to South Africa and his return under a Southern African Development Community (SADC) security detail provided a short-term solution to Lesotho's security crisis. Under Cyril Ramaphosa's mediation, the prorogued parliament was conditionally opened and the election date set for 28 February 2015. However, the security dilemma – whereby the prime minister, who is also minister of defence, has no control over the military – remains. When elections are held, there does not seem to be a guarantee that they will be held in peace; moreover, there are now fears that the losers will not accept the results of the elections because of the security vacuum in Lesotho. This article argues that peace can only be salvaged by enhanced SADC security before, during and after the elections. It argues that the SADC mission should remain beyond the elections to oversee the constitutional changes that are necessary for ensuring long-term stability. On their own, Lesotho politicians are unlikely to be able to work together in order to move the country forward.     

Pakistan’s nuclear weapons: how safe is safe enough? Transparency versus opacity

Due to expanding and increasing religious extremism and terrorism coupled with political instability in Pakistan, most western observers believe that Pakistan's nuclear weapons are not secure and could be taken over by terrorists. This would have adverse implications for the region and for global peace, especially for the security of USA and Europe. This article argues that this perception is based on a flawed understanding and knowledge of how Pakistan's command and control setup has evolved and operates. Pakistan's nuclear weapons are as safe as any other state's nuclear weapons. Pakistan has also been active in supporting and participating in global efforts to improve nuclear safety and security. Over the years, Pakistan has been quite open in sharing information regarding how it is improving its command and control system with western governments as well as scholars. This article argues that the steps Pakistan has taken to secure its nuclear weapons are adequate and that Pakistan would continue to further strengthen these measures; however, it is the expanding religious extremism, terrorism and anti-Americanism in the country which make the international perception of Pakistan extremely negative and then seep into the perception of Pakistan's nuclear weapons safety and security.     

The challenge and meaning of justice in northern Uganda

Even though the peace talks in northern Uganda have faltered, attempts at negotiations between the Ugandan government and the rebel Lord's Resistance Army are continuing. The current rapprochement between the two sides is the most significant move towards peace in the twenty-year civil war in northern Uganda. Even though the war has been extreme in its brutality, it is little known of outside the region—with reports on the conflict often portraying a protective government pitted against a crazed rebel group. But the issues are much more complex. The article examines the history of abuses and atrocities committed by both sides; the wider implications of the conflict for the north; why the rest of Uganda are seemingly disinterested in the conflict; and the politics behind why northern civil society have little trust in the Ugandan government or the International Criminal Court (ICC). The current prospect of peace has also stirred up the debate around justice and the forms of justice for victims of both rebel and government atrocities. And this is where the biggest cleft between the northern civil society and officialdom (government and international NGOs) resides. The article further examines the implications of the ICC's work in Uganda, and why there has been such widespread hostility towards it from northern civil society. The article also asks if—beyond the end of fighting and terror—peace will really mean that northern Uganda can finally partake in the prosperity the rest of the country has almost taken for granted.     

Interreligious violence in the Central African Republic

The outbreak of violence following the insurgency by a coalition of armed groups called Séléka represents one of the darkest pages in the contemporary history of the Central African Republic (CAR). Although the country has experienced chronic instability since independence from France in 1960, it has never before descended into the current near-genocidal situation, which has pitted Muslims against Christians. The CAR has been embroiled in conflict since March 2013, with unprecedented security and humanitarian consequences. In December 2013, the United Nations representative for the first time described the situation as an alarming security threat and evoked the likelihood of genocide and humanitarian disaster if nothing is done.     

China's Global Equity Oil Investments: Economic and Geopolitical Influences

In this article, we construct and analyze an original database of overseas Chinese equity oil investments (EOI) in order to assess the relative importance of economic and geopolitical factors in determining the type of countries that are most likely to receive those investments. We find that China's national oil companies (NOCs) choose to make considerable investments in certain oil rich countries while ignoring others. We develop and examine ‘economic opportunity’ and ‘geopolitical relevance’ explanations of Chinese EOI. The economic explanation assumes that Chinese oil companies operate autonomously despite the fact that they are state owned, and that they seek international experience in countries offering less competition but more risk. The geopolitical explanation suggests that Chinese equity oil investments are developed and coordinated by the central government as part of a geopolitical strategy that is designed to bypass the so-called ‘Malacca Dilemma’ and deepen security ties with oil-rich states through the conduct of oil diplomacy. We argue that Chinese EOI tends to reflect both corporate interests and government priorities, and that it generates more liabilities rather than benefits for China.     

狭长受限空间油气爆炸关键现象研究

以汽油油气混合物为研究对象,在狭长密闭管道中进行了油气爆炸实验,通过压阻式传感器测试爆炸过程中的压强信号,得到狭长受限空间中油气爆炸的基本参数。通过对实验结果的对比分析,发现狭长受限空间内的油气爆炸可以分为4个阶段：平滑加速阶段、湍流发展阶段、振荡激化阶段和余波阶段;一定强度的湍流流场可抑制链化学反应速度和火焰传播速度;振荡激化阶段发生在管道末端。为狭长密闭空间内油气爆炸的预防和抑爆技术研究提供了参考。     

Sexual and gender-based violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Commitment by the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo to addressing sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in the country is reflected in a number of international commitments and national strategies. This article traces the (slow) progress in addressing some of the most important issues relating to SGBV to which the government has committed itself. It argues that unless the underlying gender norms and unequal power relations that form the basis of gender violence, discrimination and inequality in Congolese society are addressed, SGBV will persist.     

Strategic hedging in Indonesia’s defense diplomacy

With the rapid pace of regional arms modernization and unresolved territorial disputes, Indonesia is increasingly susceptible to the impact of emerging great power rivalry in Asia-Pacific. Rather than pursuing a robust military build-up, Indonesian policy-makers assert that diplomacy is the country’s first line of defense. This article argues that defense diplomacy serves two agenda of Indonesia’s hedging strategy – strategic engagement and military modernization. This way, Indonesian defense and security officials seek to moderate the impact of geopolitical changes while maintaining the country’s defensive ability against regional uncertainties.     

Preventing the ‘Smiling Buddha’: British-Indian nuclear relations and the Commonwealth Nuclear force, 1964–68

This article examines two related issues: the policy objectives pursued by the British government to prevent India from developing nuclear weapons and the challenges presented to the Indian government in balancing Gandhian idealism with the reality of nuclear diplomacy. Building on recent research, the following issues are explored: the implementation of Anglo-American non-proliferation policy in Asia, the provision of security guarantees for India and Pakistan and the UK proposal to establish a Commonwealth Nuclear force as a means of maintaining British influence in the region. The analysis is placed within the context of Britain's overall defence policy during the 1960s focusing particularly on the British withdrawal from East of Suez and the development of nuclear-sharing arrangements within NATO. The article argues that the Wilson government regarded security guarantees for India as an obstacle towards the successful conclusion of a non-proliferation agreement. Britain's primary objective in advancing the concept of a Commonwealth Nuclear Force was not to increase Indian security in the face of Chinese nuclear threats but to explore possible options to internationalise Britain's nuclear forces after initial plans for a NATO nuclear force had failed.     

Whatever Happens to Somalia…Ignoring it is No Longer an Option

The war against terrorism has brought Somalia, a country located in a key strategic region, back onto the radar of US and Western security concerns. Following a vicious civil war, a failed peace support operation and several attempts to start a peace process, lawless Somalia, a country without government, has gained the potential to be exploited as a terrorist base. Although this country in the Horn of Africa does not represent a direct and immediate threat to the US or its Western allies, its potential to destabilize the region is extremely high. This article offers an analysis of Somalia's potential to become a ground for terrorist activities and suggests a two-track approach. On the one hand, US foreign and security policy in Somalia needs to be more assertive; on the other, the only way to prevent Somalia from becoming a fertile ground for international terrorist groups is to help stabilize the country. In order to achieve this objective, it is crucial to adopt any initiative aimed at strengthening Somalia's civil society.     

基于超细冷气溶胶的油气爆炸抑爆剂研究

为了有效抑制油气爆炸传播,根据抑制爆炸的特殊需要,研究了冷气溶胶抑爆剂新配方,解决了超细冷气溶胶易于团聚这一技术难题。首先采用超音速气流粉碎新技术成功研制了超细冷气溶胶抑爆剂,平均粒度小于5μm。其次通过表面复合改性显著提高了超细粉体的稳定性和分散性,表面改性剂用量的临界质量分数为0.5%。参数测试和灭火实验表明新型冷气溶胶对火焰有强抑制、强窒息作用和对热辐射的遮隔、冷却作用,具有较强的油气抑爆灭火效能;中/小型油料火的灭火时间小于1.6s,抑爆剂用量低于60g/m^3。