军队审计项目后评价研究

军队审计项目后评价是围绕后评价内容和指标,对照后评价标准,对审计项目目标、实施过程和实施结果进行监督和评价。实施军队审计项目后评价,应注重收集和整理资料,注重后评价方案的设计和组织实施,注重结论的责任认定,并将总结的经验教训用于未来军队审计项目的实施。     

依法完善动员计划和实施预案制度

国防动员计划和实施预案是国防动员的重要制度,有其特定的要求、编制程序和组织实施方法。《国防动员法》专门对国防动员计划和实施预案的编制和落实作了规定,这既体现了这项工作的重要性,同时也是对动员计划和实施预案制度的规范和完善。当前,应以《国防动员法》为依据,从以下六个方面规范完善动员计划和实施预案制度。     

切实抓好对党员领导干部的有效监督

确保党员领导干部正确使用权力和廉洁从政,应当坚持把实施有效监督贯穿领导工作和领导干部教育管理的全过程。只有坚持关口前移,实施主动监督;制约个人特权,实施合力监督;重在管控行为,实施全维监督;严格执行制度,实施依法监督,才能确保对党员领导干部监督的各项工作有力有序有效,真正落到实处。     

反空袭作战中实施新闻信息管制问题研究

在未来的反空袭作战中,对手将广泛进行虚假宣传和信息欺骗,企图引发人民群众心里恐慌和社会动荡。我方为稳定民心、鼓舞士气,必须实施一定安慰、一定程度的新闻信息管制。因此要深刻认识实施新闻信息管制的作用,准确确定实施新闻信息管制的对象,科学组建实施新闻管制的力量,以及灵活运用实施新闻管制的措施。     

基于精细化模式的装备试验质量管理方法

本文根据精细化管理的定义及内涵,分析了在装备试验中实施精细化质量管理的必要性和重要性,重点探讨了实施的方法和内容。可为装备试验靶场在实施精细化质量管理方面提供借鉴与参考,达到更加有效地提高试验质量和管理水平的目的。     

陆军战斗模拟实验实施管理方案

陆军战斗模拟实验实施管理是驱动陆军战斗模拟实验活动不断向前发展的核心动力,是达成模拟实验任务的重要保证。针对陆军战斗模拟实验实施的特点和需求,提出了一套陆军战斗模拟实验实施管理方案,力图从抽象角度把初始数据的格式化设置、模型的集成与优化、实验实施的动态控制等模拟实验实施相关内容统一到一个方案空间之中,有效提高模拟实验系统的性能和效率,为模拟实验结果分析奠定基础。     

对武警院校实施非现役公勤人员制度的思考

非现役公勤人员制度于2006年初颁布实施后,解放军院校已经全面启动,武警部队院校也即将实施。应当对这项制度进行系统的理论研究和设计。武警部队院校实施这项改革实践具有优势,同时也面临着一些困难;要实施这项制度,需要努力突破四个难点。当前实施这项制度,要注意解决签订劳动合同问题、劳动人事纠纷问题和落实社会保障问题。     

部队实施政府采购制度的内控缺陷与对策

分析阐述了部队实施政府采购制度以来的利与弊 ,并对实施过程中的内控缺陷和存在的问题提出了对策和建议     

一体化联合作战精确控制透析

精确控制是信息化作战控制的必然趋势。精确作战计划是实施精确控制的基本前提,综合信息系统是实施精确控制的物质支撑,扁平网状控制体制是实施精确控制的组织保障,精确控制作战力量、作战时间、作战空间、作战信息、作战目标和作战进程是实施精确控制的主要内容,动态控制、自适应控制是实施精确控制的基本方法。     

武警学院教考分离的实践与探索

教考分离是武警学院近年来探索、实施的一种考试管理模式,主要通过制定教学管理规章制度、实行集体命题、试题库、试卷库、流水作业评阅试卷、试卷分析、成绩分析等予以实施,具有规范、科学、客观等优点。对实施过程中存在的一些问题,通过采用现代化技术设备、加强各项规章制度的实施等措施和手段予以改进和提高。     

‘I have seen the future and it works’: The US defence industry transformation – lessons for the UK defence industrial base

The US has embarked upon a major transformation of its approach to defence industrial base planning. Although bureaucratic and industrial inertia, as well as budgetary constraints, may delay transformation, its effects will lead to radical changes in the US defence industrial base with new entrants and new combinations of players. The UK, with more modest defence ambitions, capabilities and budget, will seek to keep in touch with the US. However, a commercially‐led drive to embed UK industry even more deeply in the US defence market could be the last step in creating a largely US–UK North Atlantic relationship, with much of Europe very much a subsidiary business concern. This contains a risk that the UK will become increasingly dependent on the US for design and integration of major systems and national defence industrial capability focused on a limited number of niche technologies.     

What is the global landpower network and what value might it provide?

US national security guidance, as well as the US Army’s operational experiences since 2001, emphasizes the importance of working closely with partner countries to achieve US strategic objectives. The US Army has introduced the global landpower network (GLN) concept as a means to integrate, sustain and advance the Army’s considerable ongoing efforts to meet US national security guidance. This study develops the GLN concept further, and addresses three questions. What benefits can the GLN provide the Army? What are the essential components of the GLN? What options exist for implementing the GLN concept? By developing the GLN concept, the Army has the opportunity to transition the GLN from an often ad hoc and reactive set of relationships to one that the Army more self-consciously prioritizes and leverages as a resource to meet US strategic objectives.     

Allies with Benefits: US Effect on European Demand for Military Expenditures

This paper examines the security relationship between the US and Europe, focusing on potential spillin effects of US military expenditures on European demand for military expenditures during the early twenty-first century. The goal is to test whether or not European states view US expenditures as a complement or as a substitute to their own military expenditures. Past work in this area has found mixed results concerning the effect of US military expenditures, but focus strictly on the spillins within a formal alliance, specifically NATO, and use a time series dominated by Cold War dynamics. This study differentiates itself by accounting for both US total military expenditures and its regional expenditures through incorporation of US military base and personnel deployments across Europe. Additionally, this paper uses government revenue in its estimation to mitigate potential endogeneity. Findings using Arellano–Bond dynamic panel analysis suggest that there is a strong probability of substitution among European states.     

How to Last Alone at the Top: US Strategic Planning for the Unipolar Era

This article investigates how key actors within the US defence policy community realigned their interests to forge a new consensus on the redirection of US defence strategy following the ‘peace shock’ they faced with the collapse of bipolarity. This consensus centred on the idea that achieving US security in the ‘age of uncertainty’ demanded overwhelming US military power, which was widely interpreted as necessitating military capabilities to fight multiple major theatre wars simultaneously against regional ‘Third World’ adversaries. This helped to preserve many of the principal pillars of US Cold War defence policy through deflecting calls for more radical organisational changes and deeper cuts to defence budgets.     

Russia,America and missile defense

Russia has sharply objected to US plans for ballistic missile defense. The Russian official explanation is that the real purpose of the US missile defense plan is to make it impossible for Russia to retaliate against a US nuclear (or massive conventional) attack, thus making Russia subject to military blackmail by the US. The Russian response has been the result of a sum total of various factors, mostly political and cultural, while the technical capabilities of the proposed system have played a secondary role.     

In the right place at the right time: US signals intelligence relations with Scandinavia,1945–1960

This paper demonstrates that US–Scandinavian intelligence relations in general, and Signals Intelligence (Sigint) relations in particular, during the period 1945 through 1960 were more extensive and complicated than had previously been believed. Bilateral US intelligence liaison relations with nominally neutral Sweden were of particular importance in the early years of the Cold War given its geographic location adjacent to the northwestern portion of the USSR. Moreover, the importance of Sigint received from the three principal Scandinavian countries covered by this paper (Norway, Denmark, and Sweden) proved to be quite important to the US intelligence community during the early years of the Cold War, when the US Sigint infrastructure was relatively weak and stretched thin by commitments in Asia and elsewhere. This paper covers the quantity, quality, and types of intelligence information provided to the US by each of the Scandinavian nations, demonstrating that the nature of US intelligence relations with these countries changed substantially as time went by.     

美陆军数字化部队装备保障特点及其启示

美陆军全面转型后,数字化部队从编制结构到装备保障均呈现出鲜明的特色。为充分借鉴其经验教训,探索在该领域的发展道路,在回顾美陆军数字化部队建设历程的基础上,从维修作业体制、装备保障力量编配、装备保障指挥层级、力量编组、信息系统建设等方面入手,深入分析了美陆军数字化部队装备保障的特点,结合国情、军情,对比分析、梳理总结后,针对陆军数字化部队装备保障建设,归纳了几点启示,提出相关建议。     

US–Latin America’s security: moving through an inflection point?

Recent elections in Latin America, such as those of Mauricio Macri in Argentina, Horacio Cartes in Paraguay, and the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, point to a new direction in Latin American politics and away from the “hard left;” they also point to a new momentum in the security relationship between the US and Latin American countries. Former US President Obama’s 2016 trip to Cuba and Argentina was a clear demonstration of this new security paradigm and also a clear indication that there is a new momentum brewing in the US towards a rethinking and reshaping of security strategies and mindsets. This article will explore the multidimensional security relationship between the US and Latin American countries in light of recent changes in the US’ posture toward the region.     

Empirical analysis of the defense interdependence between Japan and the United States

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the defense interdependence between Japan and the United States (US) in the short and long run and to investigate whether Japan is a follower or a free rider of the “US” over the 1975–2009 period. Given that mutual aid between Japan and the US has been maintained, the empirical results suggest that Japanese defense has a stable relationship with US defense. Furthermore, the results reveal that Japan is not a free rider but rather a follower in the period under consideration.     

EDITOR'S NOTE

This article offers a survey of risks that might arise for strategic stability (defined as a situation with a low probability of major-power war) with the reduction of US and Russian nuclear arsenals to “low numbers” (defined as 1,000 or fewer nuclear weapons on each side). These risks might include US anti-cities targeting strategies that are harmful to the credibility of extended deterrence; renewed European anxiety about a US-Russian condominium; greater vulnerability to Russian noncompliance with agreed obligations; incentives to adopt destabilizing “launch-on-warning” strategies; a potential stimulus to nuclear proliferation; perceptions of a US disengagement from extended deterrence; increased likelihood of non-nuclear arms competitions and conflicts; and controversial pressures on the UK and French nuclear forces. Observers in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) states who consider such risks significant have cited four possible measures that might help to contain them: sustained basing of US nonstrategic nuclear weapons in Europe; maintaining a balanced US strategic nuclear force posture; high-readiness means to reconstitute US nuclear forces; and enhanced US and allied non-nuclear military capabilities. These concrete measures might complement the consultations with the NATO allies that the United States would in all likelihood seek with respect to such important adjustments in its deterrence and defense posture.