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1.
我国消防标准化工作现状分析与展望   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从消防标准化组织、消防标准体系、消防标准化管理和标准化国际交流四个方面介绍了消防标准化工作的现状。指出在消防标准与规范的协调性、消防标准体系建设和采标工作等方面存在的不足,进而得出增强标准与规范的协调性,建立消防管理标准体系,完善标准修订和采标机制是我国消防标准化工作的重点。同时结合国外消防标准化发展趋势,提出在实现消防标准国际趋同的同时,加快我国标准向国际标准的转化是今后较长时期内我国消防标准化工作的发展方向。  相似文献   

2.
介绍了我国消防管理类标准的制定机构、程序和已经出台的消防管理类标准,分析研究了管理类标准在消防工作社会化进程中的作用,指出了目前管理类标准存在的问题,阐明了贯彻管理类标准的原则和具体方法。  相似文献   

3.
随着国家法制化进程的不断深入,对从事消防监督检查的技术人员提出了越来越高的素质要求。为此,《消防监督检查员专业资格标准》征求意见稿应运而生。但“标准”的要求与消防部队的现实状况之间存在差距,解决好“标准”中的岗位等级与现行职称的衔接问题、“标准”规定的执业范围与基层人少事多的问题、“标准”规定的监督检查员申报岗位资格学历条件与现实状况之间的问题,有利于“标准”的执行。  相似文献   

4.
消防职业技能鉴定制度一般是指由政府主管部门批准的考核鉴定机构,对从业人员的消防技能水平进行评价并颁发证书,表明该人员达到消防职业国家标准的要求的制度。消防职业资格的法律实质为消防特有工种从业人员的执业执照,分析了以消防职业分类、职业标准、职业资格鉴定管理体系为主的消防职业技能鉴定制度构成要素,对制度建设过程中应注重的消防职业培训理念、该制度与人员就业和企业招聘以及与公安消防部队岗位资格制度的衔接问题进行了探讨。  相似文献   

5.
本文通过介绍《重庆市办理失火罪和消防责任事故罪案件立案标准(暂行)》,简述了失火罪与消防责任事故罪的具体概念、主要构成特征及区别。  相似文献   

6.
结合南京消防支队的工作实践,从科学分解权力、优化操作程序、细化裁量标准、强化监督措施、深化警务公开等方面,就如何完善消防执法监督制约机制,进行了有益的思考和探索。  相似文献   

7.
为树立公安消防部门的良好形象,维护法人的合法权益,确保消防行政处罚自由裁量权行使的合法性、合理性非常重要.阐述了消防监督人员在行政处罚自由裁量中如何把握好自由裁量的原则和标准,如何选择处罚的幅度、处罚的种类、处罚的情节因素,并提出了强化执法监督、提高消防执法人员素质的措施.  相似文献   

8.
工程建设消防技术标准是公安消防机构审核、验收及工程技术人员设计、施工及验收的依据,也是公安消防机构进行日常监督检查和执法的技术依据。然而,目前我国现行工程建设消防技术标准的编制仍存在一些不完善的方面,影响了这些标准的有效执行。在对当前各类工程建设消防技术标准进行分析的基础上,总结了现行工程建设消防技术标准亟待完善的若干方面,并对此提出相关建议。  相似文献   

9.
针对建筑设计消防审核工作中容易出现的技术问题,从消防车道与建筑中人行通道的设置、自动喷水灭火系统末端试水装置与试水阀的设置、特殊场所快速响应喷头的选用、标准喷头的设置、自动喷水灭火系统集热板的应用、室内消火栓系统阀门的设置以及防火卷帘两侧火灾探测器组与警报装置的设置等方面解读了相关消防技术规范的规定,系统分析了建筑设计消防审核中的常见错误与问题,提出了有关技术规范规定的合理解释和使用建议。  相似文献   

10.
以某高铁站房高架候车层为例,针对站房内高架候车层大空间结构设计不符合国家现行消防标准的情况,提出将“燃烧岛”、“防火舱”等概念用于大空间高架候车层消防设计的思路.通过多种火灾场景及疏散场景的设定,利用FDS模拟烟气蔓延、利用Pathfinder模拟人员疏散的方法验证了其消防设计方案的可行性,为“燃烧岛”、“防火舱”等概念用于大空阃消防设计提供借鉴.  相似文献   

11.
为了给在核化生事件中遂行任务的应急处置人员提供符合要求的个人防护装备,美国于2001年实施了NFPA1994《化学、生物恐怖事件用防护装具标准》.介绍了该标准中提出的化学、生物恐怖事件防护装备的技术要求,包括设计要求和技术性能要求,并讨论了各级防护装具的使用场合和时机、防护服的型式结构和对防护材料的要求.  相似文献   

12.
丽江古城1997年被列入"世界文化遗产"名录,其建筑形式主要为木构架结构,一旦发生火灾,损失巨大。依据NFPA 914工作流程,对丽江古城建筑进行分析和评价,在现有消防安全状况调查和历史建筑特征调查的基础上,分析其消防安全隐患,并运用火灾风险指数法,计算单体建筑的消防安全水平,结合其历史特征,提出改进消防安全的措施。  相似文献   

13.
Advocates of the preventive use of force against emerging nuclear, biological, or chemical programs often look to the allegedly successful 1981 Israeli airstrike against Iraqi nuclear facilities at Osiraq. According to the conventional wisdom, this attack may have prevented Iraq from going nuclear before Operation Desert Storm in 1991. This article assesses the claim that the 1981 attack substantially delayed Iraqi acquisition of nuclear weapons, both by revisiting older debates and by introducing new evidence from Iraqi scientists. The article casts doubt on the conclusion that the attack was successful for three reasons: (1) the reactor itself was not well equipped to generate plutonium for a nuclear weapon; (2) illegal plutonium production would likely have caused a cutoff in the supply of nuclear fuel and an end to weapons activities; and (3) the attack may have actually increased Saddam's commitment to acquiring weapons. These conclusions have implications for the Bush Doctrine, as the lack of success in 1981 casts doubt on the possible success of future attacks against nuclear programs.  相似文献   

14.
15.
This article is the first academic study of Egyptian foreign policy towards Israel under Hosni Mubarak (1981–2011). It challenges a deeply entrenched conventional wisdom that Egypt pursued a cold-peace foreign policy towards Israel throughout this period. We demonstrate that Egyptian foreign policy towards Israel was dynamic – comprising cold peace (1981–91), a hybrid foreign policy of cold peace and strategic peace (1991–2003), and a pure strategic peace posture (2003–11). We also use the case of Egyptian foreign policy towards Israel as a heuristic to develop a conception of a new type of peace, strategic peace, as an intermediary analytical category between cold and stable peace.  相似文献   

16.
This study examines whether the exclusion of ethnic groups from political power is an important contributing factor to domestic terrorism. To empirically test this question, we employ a negative binomial regression estimation on 130 countries during the period from 1981 to 2005. We find that countries in which certain ethnic populations are excluded from political power are significantly more likely to experience domestic terrorist attacks and to suffer from terrorist casualties; furthermore, ethnic group political exclusion is a more consistent and substantive predictor of domestic terrorist activity than general political repression or economic discrimination.  相似文献   

17.
李振  李自力  曾利 《国防科技》2016,37(5):13-19
运用信息计量学、自研软件和以CiteSpaceⅡ为代表的知识图谱工具相结合的方法对1987至2016年国内"专利代理"领域内的基本情况和研究热点与趋势进行了初步分析与可视化展现。通过对数据的处理和分析得出了国内"专利代理"研究领域的期刊、作者、机构、高被引用文献等基本情况,并利用关键词共现、突现词检测等方法对国内"专利代理"研究的热点和未来的研究趋势进行了初步预测,对国内"专利代理"研究具有一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

18.
The 1981 Defence Review undertaken by John Nott as Secretary of State for Defence controversially and dramatically cut the capabilities of the Royal Navy’s surface fleet. Many of those involved in these decisions have emphasised the budgetary and politico-strategic drivers for these reductions in capability, and the first generation of academic analysis has broadly followed this position. However, recently released government and private archival sources demonstrate that Nott’s review was initially much more severe than thought, and that this was due as much to the presumptions and assumptions of the key decision makers as to any strategic or budgetary factors.  相似文献   

19.
分析了装备管理信息化标准体系的研究需求,提出了装备管理标准体系的研究目标及应把握的基本原则,重点从多个视角研究探讨了装备管理信息化标准体系框架,希望能对加快我军装备管理信息化标准体系建设有所启示.  相似文献   

20.
This article investigates the relationship between U.S. overseas troops and the willingness of the citizens of host states to fight for their country. The study joins the long-running debate about burden-sharing and free-riding among U.S. allies. Unlike most previous empirical studies, we focus on non-material or intangible measures of the underlying concepts. Our dependent variable estimates the proportion of citizens expressing a willingness to fight for their country. Scores at the aggregate-national as well as the individual level are shaped by the presence of U.S. military forces, which act as a “tripwire” signaling credible security commitments. This increases opportunities of (non-material) free-riding. We present both bivariate and multivariate analyses covering the period 1981–2014 to test this supposition. Findings indicate that once U.S. troop levels reach a certain threshold (between 100 and 500 troops), citizens’ willingness to fight drops significantly. This likely reflects non-material free-riding.  相似文献   

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