Unrestricted warfare: Review essay I

During the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), France chose to support Biafra, but only on a limited scale, providing mercenaries and obsolete weaponry to Ojukwu's regime. General Charles de Gaulle's assistance to Ojukwu was conditioned by the French military drawdown after 1961, the increased power of French secret services on the continent, and the interventions in Katanga (1960–1963), Gabon (1964) and Chad (1968–1972). France supported Biafra primarily to protect its former colonies from Nigeria, stop Soviet subversion and acquire an economic foothold in the oil-rich Niger Delta. De Gaulle chose a limited strategy for two reasons. If Biafra won the war, France would be Biafra's greatest ally. If Nigeria won the war, France could extricate itself from the situation relatively easily and re-establish relations with the Nigerian government, which is what ultimately occurred.     

中国特色社会主义事业发展布局的创新与发展

十八大首次将经济、政治、文化、社会和生态五大建设并列,强调“五位一体”建设中国特色社会主义。由此,中国特色社会主义发展布局历经四个阶段,即：“一个中心,两个基本点”的战略布局,“三位一体”发展布局,“四位一体”发展布局,“五位一体”发展布局。“五位一体”总体布局是一个相互联系、相互协调、相互促进、相辅相成的有机整体,对于开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面意义重大,为到本世纪中叶基本实现社会主义现代化,提供了有力支撑。     

文化安全视角下的新疆高校网络舆情管理探究

文化安全的关键在意识形态,意识形态领域中的关键问题是价值观掌控问题。作为文化传播的主要组成部分,网络舆情对文化安全的表层和深层结构都有重要影响。本文从文化安全视角下切入,结合新疆高校网络舆情调研,分析了文化安全面临的冲击与挑战,并提出了基于文化安全保障下的新疆高校网络舆情有效管理方式和路径。     

金字塔渐进融合低照度图像增强网络

针对现有低照度图像增强网络对不同尺度特征信息存在感知与表达能力不足的问题,提出金字塔渐进融合低照度图像增强网络模型。网络对图像进行多次下采样操作以组成特征金字塔,通过在特征金字塔的三个不同分支上加入跳跃连接,将不同尺度的特征图进行相互融合。通过精细恢复模块进一步提取精炼信息,将特征图恢复到正常的光照图像。结果表明,该网络模型不但能有效地提升低照度图像的整体亮度,而且能很好地保持图像中的细节信息和清晰的物体边缘轮廓,同时能够有效地抑制图像中的暗部噪声,使增强后的图像整体画面真实自然。     

文娱领域综合治理语境下高校艺术学科教师评价与考核机制建设的相关问题研究

文娱领域综合治理是当下的文化热点,但与之相关的高校艺术学科教师的评价与考核机制建设却一直是被学术界忽略的问题。该问题不仅关乎高校教师评价与考核工作的整体进程、艺术学科的健康发展,还关乎国家文艺创作队伍的建设、文娱行业的天清气朗。本文认为艺术学科教师评价与考核机制是决定文娱领域艺人违法失德乱象的重要要素之一,科学、系统、规范的评价与考核机制有利于这一问题的解决。     

管道机器人在三通处的通过性分析

三通是管道机器人经常遇到的典型障碍之一,克服该障碍的能力用管道机器人在三通处通过性来描述。文中提出一种描述差压驱动式管道机器人三通通过性的数学模型,该模型由一组组合约束构成。通过对约束方程的分析讨论、与管道机器人弯道通过性的对比分析,得出了规律性的结论。管道机器人在三通处的姿态、单元体的几何尺寸、行走轮结构形式对其通过性都有不同程度的影响。所提出数学模型是管道机器人三通自主行走控制策略设计和相应结构设计的理论基础。     

复杂海战场环境下AUV全局路径规划方法

针对无人自主水下航行器(Autonomous Underwater Vehicle,AUV)在复杂海战场环境中路径规划时环境模型复杂、约束条件多的情况,建立了包括战场地形、敌方威胁、障碍物和海流场等在内的比较完善的海战场环境模型.以AUV航行时间、威胁时间最短为优化目标,给出了一种基于振荡型入侵野草优化(Invasiv...     

OFDM系统中深度神经网络指导的IQ不平衡补偿算法

正交频分复用(Orthogonal Frequency Division Multiplexing,OFDM)是现代移动通信中一项重要的物理层通信技术,并且OFDM系统要求子载波间严格正交。然而,在实际系统中,振荡器和滤波器等器件的非理想特性会导致同相正交(In-phase and Quadrature-phase,IQ)不平衡,从而破坏子载波的正交性,严重影响OFDM系统的性能。通过研究IQ不平衡对OFDM系统的影响,提出了一种并联深度神经网络架构下的IQ不平衡补偿算法。该算法利用了深度神经网络不依赖于模型的特点,直接从接收到的频域信号恢复原输入信号的二进制序列,并利用干扰信号来自镜像子载波的先验知识来初始化模型驱动的神经网络,加快其网络优化的收敛速度。仿真结果表明,该算法能有效地补偿IQ不平衡失真,并且在幅度和相位失真的补偿上,其性能都优于传统的基于导频的最小二乘补偿算法,证明了深度学习方法解决物理层问题的优越性。     

A Question of ‘Government’ Control: Afghanistan DDR Programs Since 2001

Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs.     

A Good Ally - Norway and International Statebuilding in Afghanistan, 2001-2014

The article examines the findings of the Commission of Inquiry established by the Norwegian government in 2014 to evaluate all aspects of Norway’s civilian and military contribution to the international operation in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2014. Concerned with the wider implications of the Commission’s findings, it focuses on two issues in particular: (1) Norway’s relations with the US, a close and long-standing strategic ally whose resources, capabilities and dominance of decision-making dwarfed that of all other coalition partners in Afghanistan; and (2) Norway’s record in the province of Faryab, where, from 2005 to 2012, a Norwegian-led Provincial Reconstruction Team was charged with bringing security, good governance and development to the province. How Norway prioritised and managed relations with the US highlights and helps to problematise the challenges – political, practical and moral – facing small and medium-sized powers operating in a coalition alongside the US. Norwegian efforts in Faryab are revealing of the dilemmas and contradictions that plagued and, ultimately, fatally undermined the international intervention as a whole. As such, Norway’s experience provides a microcosm through which the inherent limitations of the attempt to transfer the structures of modern statehood and Western democracy to Afghanistan can be better understood.