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震网病毒被认为是史上第一种"网络物理战"武器,文章介绍了两个版本震网病毒的作用机理,分析了网络物理战的作战思想,提出了层次化的网络空间、过程中的网络漏洞和网络物理威慑等新概念,并总结了其对网络战研究的启示。 相似文献
103.
Sibylle Scheipers 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2014,25(5-6):879-899
This article argues that the history of irregular warfare provides a valuable analytical and critical perspective for the study of counterinsurgency campaigns and counterinsurgency doctrine. A focus on the history of irregular warfare highlights the close relationship between warfare in Europe and in the colonies. Moreover, it enables us to identify more exactly the intersection of multiple factors that lead to an escalation of violence in small wars. Finally, it also sheds light on the lack of strategic reflection on the use of irregular auxiliaries that is characteristic for many counterinsurgency campaigns. 相似文献
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Martin Rink 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2014,25(4):828-842
In the Age of Napoleon, ‘small wars’ and ‘revolutionary war’ were closely connected. There were, however, different strands of this phenomenon: speaking professionally, conservative officers condemned small wars as an irregular regression to previous less disciplined forms of warfare. The Prussian state continually tried to discipline and regulate spontaneous risings. Yet the irregular character of small wars offered the opportunities for a less complex way of fighting, thus enabling the arming of the ‘people’ to fight. Individual undertakings, such as Ferdinand von Schill's doomed campaign in 1809, were designed to spark off a general popular uprising. But they were cheered by many and supported by few. Meanwhile, Neidhardt von Gneisenau conceived guerrilla-style Landsturm home-defence forces, which were designed for an irregular people's war. These concepts were put into practice in the ‘war of freedom’ – or ‘war of liberation’ – in 1813. Eventually both the mobilisation and the tactics remained regular, however, despite the emphatic appeal to a national ‘people's war’. 相似文献
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古代《孙子兵法》要求为将之道必须具备“智”、“信”、“仁”、“勇”、“严”五德要素。新时期部队指挥员应当借鉴历史经验,努力提高自身素质修养,大力培育部队优良战斗作风,为履行新使命、新职责打下坚实基础。 相似文献
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在智能战争时代数字陆战场形势下,智能化、无人化、网络化陆战分队空地一体无人作战系统装备体系已成为未来陆战装备的重要发展方向。首先,重点研析美、俄分队级无人作战系统装备体系发展趋势,明确其以构建陆战分队级部队新质战斗力为核心,大力开展陆战分队级新型无人作战装备建设的发展方向;其次,从独立作战、持续作战、指挥控制、情报侦察、火力毁伤等层面,对比分析新型无人作战排作战优势;然后,以构建一个轻量级C4ISRK作战装备体系为目标,提出一种以“有/无人协同作战指控”为核心的陆战分队空地一体无人作战系统构建方式;最后,指出装备研发重点关键技术,以期重塑“人与机器”的战场功能配置,为未来陆战分队作战装备体系建设发展研究提供有益参考。 相似文献
107.
Avinash Paliwal 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(1-2):35-67
India’s Afghanistan policy in the 1990s is termed a zero-sum game of influence with Pakistan. New Delhi’s aversion to the pro-Pakistan Taliban regime is considered a marker of this rivalry. This paper revisits India’s approach towards Afghanistan and examines if New Delhi was necessarily averse to engaging with pro-Pakistan political factions during 1990s. Based on fresh primary interviews with former Indian policymakers, media archives, and official reports, the paper shows that India engaged with and accommodated pro-Pakistan factions after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 until 1996. The Taliban’s rise to power in Kabul in September 1996 challenged India’s engage-with-all approach. Nonetheless, the decision to sever ties with the Taliban and to bolster anti-Taliban factions was highly debated in New Delhi. Many in India saw the Taliban as a militant Islamist force sponsored by Pakistan. For others, however, it was an ethno-nationalist movement representing Pashtun interests, and not necessarily under Islamabad’s control. 相似文献
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Jack S. Levy 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(5):731-769
If a declining state has incentives for preventive war, the rising state should have incentives to delay a confrontation until it is stronger. We develop the theoretical paradox and examine the July 1914 crisis. Why did Russia, rising relative to Germany, not adopt a buying-time strategy? We argue that although most Russian leaders hoped to avoid a confrontation, they feared that the failure to support Serbia would lead to a loss of Russian credibility and a significant setback to Russia’s position in the Balkans, one that could not easily be reversed, even with Russia’s expected increase in relative military power. 相似文献
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Stephen J. Cimbala 《Defense & Security Analysis》2016,32(2):115-128
The United States and Russia, in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Ukraine, seem to have ditched entirely the “reset” in their political relations. Despite this odor of Cold War redux, there remain the opportunities and necessities for renewed attention to strategic nuclear arms control as between the two governments. US and NATO missile defenses as planned for European deployment figure into this equation, although in somewhat unpredictable ways, given technological uncertainties in existing and foreseeable defenses, as well as the possibility of improved delivery systems for offensive conventional or nuclear weapons. 相似文献
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Rudra Chaudhuri 《战略研究杂志》2019,42(5):567-576
ABSTRACTThis Special Issue looks at the importance of institutions and the role played by international actors in crucial episodes of India’s strategic history. The contributions trace India’s tryst with war and peace from immediately before the foundation of the contemporary Indian state to the last military conflict between India and Pakistan in 1999. The focus of the articles is as much on India as it is on Pakistan and China, its opponents in war. The articles offer a fresh take on the creation of India as a regional military power, and her approach to War and Peace in the post-independence period. 相似文献