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梁春香 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(11):9-13
目前,以阿富汗为中心的"金新月"地区毒品向我国渗透活动日益加剧,并呈现出组织化、专业化和国际化趋势,地处"金新月"边缘的我国新疆地区深受其害,毒品案件不断上升,恐怖势力以毒养恐的趋向愈发明显,对我国边境安全构成了极大的威胁。加强禁毒情报工作,打牢禁毒工作基础;提高管控能力,严防毒品渗透;加强堵源截流工作;加强国际禁毒合作;严厉打击毒品犯罪是解决"金新月"地区毒品向我国渗透的有效途径。 相似文献
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Jaclyn Tandler 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(2):125-148
“French nuclear diplomacy” is the French government's use of civilian nuclear cooperation agreements (NCAs) to advance specific commercial and strategic interests. During the heart of the so-called nuclear renaissance, the Élysée Palace aggressively peddled France's nuclear expertise and technology abroad, signing over a dozen new NCAs in an effort to bring in business for the French industry, forge diplomatic relationships, and promote global nonproliferation norms. Several years later, however, the outcomes of France's aggressive global nuclear power push appear nominal at best. This article explores the mixed results of this nuclear campaign, and through three case studies, illustrates how many of France's commercial and political disappointments stem from unrealistic expectations and the disorganization of the French nuclear complex. 相似文献
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The Anglo-American military relationship is a vital yet neglected area of study. This article argues that the British military have actively cultivated a relationship with the U.S. military that has contributed to the longevity of the broader so-called “Special Relationship,” even in the Trump era. The article contends that the complexities of the military relationship can best be captured by the theoretical lens provided by Lowndes and Roberts that combines different strands of institutionalism to focus on rules, practices, and narratives. The intense linkages between the United States and United Kingdom have become routinized, enabling them to adapt their peacetime cooperation to conflicts, and thereby address post-Cold War security challenges. The article draws upon semi-structured interviews with senior British military officers as well as policy documents to explore how these patterns of collaboration have become ingrained in patterns of both thinking and behavior. 相似文献
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Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
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Recently, Finland and Sweden decided to substantially deepen their defence cooperation and this project involves creating a bilateral standing Naval Task Group (SFNTG). The present article aims at examining the deepening naval cooperation between Finland and Sweden from a regional integration perspective, focusing on its motives, current challenges and future prospects. Driven by perceptions of common challenges and desires for cost-effectiveness, and strengthened by recent successes on sea surveillance and a combined Amphibious Task Unit, the bilateral project has considerable potential to achieve success. To fulfil its objectives, substantial legal changes in both countries are required to allow the use of force on each other’s territorial waters. To cater for the requirement of not conflicting with EU, NORDEFCO or NATO cooperations, the bilateral Task Group must operate according to NATO standards and by using English as the language in command and control. The costs of adjusting the naval units to NATO’s technical requirements are far from negligible and this issue still remains to be solved. If Finland and Sweden manage to incorporate new policies, common structures and common organisational norms among their navies, an even deeper integration, as in Belgium and the Netherlands, are conceivable. 相似文献
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基于多Agent的网络化舰空导弹系统协同机制研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
针对舰艇编队反导防御作战的复杂性,采用网络中心战的作战概念,分析了网络化的舰空导弹系统作战资源共享的优势.以集成火控系统(Integrated Fire Control System)的构建原理为例,描述了网络化舰空导弹系统的网格结构和特点,基于多Agent协同原理,提出了网络化的舰空导弹系统两层"混合式"协同体系结构,并对该结构的协同机制进行了研究. 相似文献
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