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11.
设备管理系统的排队论分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
该文应用排队论的理论分析了设备损修系统中最优设备的解法。  相似文献   
12.
在分析了压水型反应堆功率控制系统的前提下,针对其特殊的控制要求,运用基于输出反馈的次最优控制的设计方法和Matlab中的NCD模块,最终实现了系统的优化设计,并对系统进行了某一功率水平下的仿真试验和其它工况下的鲁棒性试验.结果表明,改进后的系统性能有了较大改善.  相似文献   
13.
分析了航空核辐射侦察信息的时序关系,结合相关测量设备的发展现状,认为更新率应以水平定位信息为准。分析了侦察过程中定位设备的各种工作状态,指出了其最优工作状态。最后在此工作状态下依据现实可用的定位设备给出了信息更新率。  相似文献   
14.
从军事社会需求与相关应用技术进展两个角度分析了当前核辐射监测技术面临的新形势.在此基础上,展望了核辐射监测技术各个领域的发展方向与趋势,指出核辐射监测技术标准化与国际化是技术发展的必然要求。  相似文献   
15.
为避免和减少消防部队在核事故应急救援中受到辐射伤害,着重从辐射效应、人体损伤特点、剂量控制、防护措施以及医学干预等方面进行探讨,以指导消防官兵做好辐射伤害的个人防护。  相似文献   
16.
Ron Rosenbaum, How the End Begins: The Road to a Nuclear World War III. Simon & Schuster, 2011. 305 pages, $28.  相似文献   
17.
This article applies the concept of nuclear ambivalence to the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Nuclear ambivalence differs from other approaches to understanding nuclear proliferation in that it focuses on the deeply misunderstood relationship between the two potential uses of nuclear power: energy and weapons. According to this theory, the civilian applications of nuclear technology cannot be separated from the potential military applications and vice versa. Ambivalence, therefore, extends into the realm of states’ nuclear intentions, making it impossible to know with certainty what a potential proliferator's “true” intentions are. This article will demonstrate that the concept of nuclear ambivalence applies in the case of Iran, suggesting that current international nonproliferation efforts run the risk of encouraging rather than discouraging Iranian weaponization. The final section outlines recommendations for policy makers to reverse this counterproductive nonproliferation approach.  相似文献   
18.
The policies toward countries aspiring to acquire nuclear weapons continue to be heavily contested, differing even among countries that consider nuclear proliferation as one of the main threats to international security. This article maps the actual policies of liberal democracies toward Iran and North Korea along a continuum from confrontation to accommodation. Using data from an expert survey, the authors outline four main findings. First, policies toward both Iran and North Korea have become increasingly confrontational over time. Second, no policy convergence was observed among the states studied; that is, notwithstanding the adoption of joint sanctions, differences remained between states preferring confrontation and those opting for accommodation. Third, states maintained remarkably stable policy profiles over time. Finally, despite obvious differences between the norm violations of North Korea and Iran, states generally followed remarkably similar policies toward both countries. The authors’ findings indicate that states exhibit stable preferences for either confrontation or accommodation toward nuclear aspirants. Although a comprehensive examination of the causes of these policy differences is beyond the scope of this article, the authors present evidence that a major cleavage exists between members and non-members of the Non-Aligned Movement, indicating that the degree to which nuclear aspirants’ sovereignty should be respected is a main issue of contention.  相似文献   
19.
In his 2009 Prague speech and the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, President Barack Obama committed the United States to take concrete steps toward nuclear disarmament while maintaining a safe, secure, and effective nuclear deterrent. There is an inherent tension between these two goals that is best addressed through improved integration of nuclear weapons objectives with nuclear arms control objectives. This article reviews historical examples of the interaction between the two sets of objectives, develops a framework for analyzing opportunities for future integration, and suggests specific ideas that could benefit the nuclear weapons enterprise as it undergoes transformation and that could make the future enterprise compatible with a variety of arms control futures.  相似文献   
20.
Despite the fact that Italy hosts almost half of the remaining estimated 150–200 US tactical nuclear weapons (TNW) that are currently deployed in Europe, case studies of Italy have been largely neglected. The article seeks to fill that gap by outlining the key elements of Italy's position regarding the presence, role, and future of TNW in Italy. By considering both the military and political-symbolic dimensions of TNW, the author argues that Italy has largely embraced the process of the devaluation of nuclear weapons; however, this is offset by the country's determination to preserve the principles of solidarity and the indivisibility of Euro-Atlantic security. By making the alliance's cohesion a priority, Italy appears willing to postpone the complete elimination of TNW from its territory if necessary; despite this, Italy otherwise considers TNW to be not only weapons of little intrinsic value but also obstacles to the global nuclear disarmament program that it strongly supports.  相似文献   
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