首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   222篇
  免费   25篇
  国内免费   1篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   15篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   14篇
  2016年   6篇
  2015年   2篇
  2014年   20篇
  2013年   111篇
  2012年   12篇
  2011年   3篇
  2010年   2篇
  2009年   3篇
  2008年   2篇
  2007年   5篇
  2006年   2篇
  2005年   7篇
  2004年   4篇
  2003年   5篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   4篇
  2000年   3篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   2篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   1篇
  1992年   3篇
  1989年   1篇
排序方式: 共有248条查询结果,搜索用时 187 毫秒
51.
针对现有卫星网络接入策略未能充分考虑卫星资源以及合理确定卫星资源权重问题,提出了一种基于资源平衡的星群网络连接接入策略。该策略充分考虑卫星的多种资源建立卫星资源评价模型,利用移动代理技术,采用层次分析法和熵值法计算各卫星资源的主观和客观权重,并通过Kullback散度权重优化方法对主客观权重进行平衡处理,判决过程兼顾了卫星的综合性能水平和用户偏好,提高了接入的准确性和合理性。仿真结果表明,采用该接入策略,有效改善了新呼叫阻塞率和强制中断率。  相似文献   
52.
为解决串联锂离子电池组电压均衡问题,提出了一种新型主动电池到电池均衡电路。该电路主要包括N+5个双向开关以及一个LC谐振电路,其中,N表示电池组中电池的数量。利用LC串联谐振电路能够直接将能量从最大充电电池传输至最小充电电池,无需使用多绕组变压器。并且在零电流开关条件下,运行电路中的所有开关能够减少平衡所用功耗。通过10节串联锂离子电池的实际测试,结果显示相比常规均衡电路,提出的电路能够实现快速平衡并且传输效率更高。当均衡功率为0.48 W和2.04W时,实测功率传输效率分别为92.7%和79.2%。  相似文献   
53.
Nuclear deterrence and cyber war seem almost antithetical in their respective intellectual pedigrees. Nuclear weapons are unique in their ability to create mass destruction in a short time. Information or “cyber” weapons, at least for the most part, aim at sowing confusion or mass disruption instead of widespread physical destruction. Nevertheless, there are some intersections between cyber and nuclear matters, and these have the potential to become troublesome for the future of nuclear deterrence. For example, cyber attacks might complicate the management of a nuclear crisis. As well, information attacks on command-control and communications systems might lead to a mistaken nuclear launch based on false warnings, to erroneous interpretations of data or to panic on account of feared information blackout. It is not inconceivable that future nuclear strike planning will include a preliminary wave of cyber strikes or at least a more protracted “preparation of the battlefield” by roaming through enemy networks to plant malware or map vulnerabilities.  相似文献   
54.
India’s nuclear doctrine and posture has traditionally been shaped by minimum deterrence logic. This logic includes assumptions that possession of only a small retaliatory nuclear force generates sufficient deterrent effect against adversaries, and accordingly that development of limited nuclear warfighting concepts and platforms are unnecessary for national security. The recent emergence of Pakistan’s Nasr tactical nuclear missile platform has generated pressures on Indian minimum deterrence. This article analyzes Indian official and strategic elite responses to the Nasr challenge, including policy recommendations and attendant implications. It argues that India should continue to adhere to minimum deterrence, which serves as the most appropriate concept for Indian nuclear policy and best supports broader foreign and security policy objectives. However, the form through which Indian minimum deterrence is delivered must be rethought in light of this new stage of regional nuclear competition.  相似文献   
55.
介绍了平衡式与非平衡式传输的概念,对非平衡与平衡转换的实现方法进行分析,在此基础上提出了一种基于集成电路AD8130和AD8131的解决方案。  相似文献   
56.
African states are hampered by unreliable electric energy that has not complemented economic development efforts. Recently, several African states announced plans to pursue nuclear energy in the future. However, several challenges remain for these states, notably insecurity and financial deficiencies. This paper proposes the use of regional integration arrangements to address these challenges faced by African states, as a way of complementing other efforts enabling African states to obtain nuclear energy. The existence of these arrangements and their institutional mechanisms can enable African states to enhance security and cost-effectively develop nuclear power infrastructure.  相似文献   
57.
The funding of international nuclear risk mitigation is ad hoc, voluntary, and unpredictable, offering no transparent explanation of who is financially responsible for the task or why. Among many non-nuclear-armed states, this exacerbates a sense of injustice surrounding what they see as a discriminatory nuclear regime. The resulting erosion of the regime's legitimacy undermines support for efforts to prevent nuclear weapons dissemination and terrorism. This article proposes a transparent, equitable “nuclear-user-pays” system as a logical means of reversing this trend. This system envisions states contributing financially to international efforts to mitigate nuclear risks at a level relative to the degree of nuclear risks created by each state. “National nuclear risk factors” would be calculated by tabulating the risks associated with each state's civilian and military nuclear activities, as well as advanced dual-use and nuclear-capable missile activities, multiplying the severity of each risk by the probability of it occurring, and combining these results. A nuclear-user-pays model would create financial incentives for national and corporate nuclear risk mitigation, boost legitimacy and support for nuclear control efforts among non-nuclear-armed states, assist in preventing nuclear weapons dissemination and terrorism, and advance nuclear disarmament by helping progressively devalue nuclear weapons.  相似文献   
58.
South Asian Security and International Nuclear Order: Creating a Robust Indo-Pakistani Nuclear Arms Control Regime, by Mario Esteban Carranza. Ashgate, 2009. 208 pages, $99.95.  相似文献   
59.
ATOMS FOR PEACE     
Atomic Assistance: How “Atoms for Peace” Programs Cause Nuclear Insecurity, by Matthew Fuhrmann, Cornell University Press, 2012, 344 pages, $29.95.  相似文献   
60.
With the exception of Iran, no Middle Eastern state has an operating nuclear power reactor. Several states, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Israel, Syria, Jordan, Turkey, and Egypt are considering constructing such reactors; some have even taken steps towards commencing nuclear power projects. There exist, however, considerable economic, technical, safety, and security challenges to achieving these goals, many of which are acute in the Middle East region. Regional and international cooperation on nuclear technology could not only help regional states meet their energy objectives, but it could also help to build trust among states as a basic step towards a future Middle East Weapons of Mass Destruction-Free Zone.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号