DELEGATES,DIALOGUE AND DESPERADOES

Progress in the DRC peace process has continually originated from sources outside of the existing agreements, treaties and protocols. This has been the case since the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement. Of great concern is the increase in armed groups who shoot their way to the negotiating table and then assert themselves within the ICD. The implication is that military action, not popular support for a manifesto, has propelled individuals and groups into positions of power. Many of these groups seek to pre-empt the democratic process of the elections to be held two years from now. Against this background, ordinary citizens in the DRC have faced terrible living conditions. Forced to flee from the marauding groups (especially in the east), hundreds of thousands of Congolese have sought refugee in neighbouring states. Furthermore, in the two Kivu provinces and the Ituri region, intense fighting has erupted between the signatories of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and amongst former allies: Rwanda and Uganda. The ICD, though expected to provide a new political order, has not achieved that goal. The ICD did not reach agreement on a constitution, a balanced transitional authority, or the formation of a new national army. Agreement has only been secured through discussion outside the framework of the ICD process.     

Conflict circuit breakers in the Great Lakes Region of Africa

Conflict resolution in the African Great Lakes Region has been linked to the protocols and projects agreed upon at the Second International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). The ICGLR created a continental-wide framework of conflict circuit breakers focused on resolving the structural and surface situational causes of the 1996 to 2003 armed conflicts that drew in at least six nations and destabilised the entire region. The implementation of these protocols and projects will serve as a test for the African Great Lakes Region to move away from conflict and into a cooperation and development phase; however, the effort to bring peace, stability and development will face obstacles not only in the security sector, but also in developing infrastructure, civil society, and good governance. In summary, this article contends that peace in the Great Lakes Region will depend equally on two factors: internal governance and building civil society institutions, and focused regional interlocking circuit-breaking institutions.     

AFRICA'S NEW SECURITY THREAT

HIV/AIDS is not a traditional security threat but the consequences are just as serious. That it is non-violent serves only to disguise its devastation. HIV/AIDS overwhelms health services, shortens lives, destabilises governments and disrupts societies; sometimes to the extent that major conflict ensues. The extent of the virus is far more serious than initially anticipated. Infection rates in Southern Africa indicate that huge numbers of people will die over the next 10 years, affecting the basic functioning of society. The ability to produce and distribute food will be reduced. The skills and human resources needed for effective government will become even more scarce. Political instability may result in complex humanitarian emergencies and crime; neither of which can be addressed without effective government. While the populations of Southern Africa have proved resilient in the past, it is certain that the virus will extract a huge cost from the people of the region in the future.     

URBAN FORTRESSES

One of the consequences of the state's inability to protect the life and property of all its citizens—especially in developing countries—is the formation of private alternatives to crime prevention and control. Gated communities, or enclosed neighbourhoods, are one such popular alternative. This article compares the phenomenon of gated communities in two developing countries: South Africa and Brazil. Both countries are plagued by violent crime and share key human development indicators. The article also explores key issues that have been raised around gated communities in both countries. Gated communities can contribute to spatial fragmentation in urban areas, and reflect increased polarisation, fragmentation and diminished solidarity within society. By excluding other urban residents and people from surrounding neighbourhoods, gated communities can contribute to social exclusion, inhibiting the construction of social networks that form the basis of social and economic activities.     

Human Security and the State in Africa

The most recent major document on human security tells us more about the ideal of human security than how this worthy objective can best be achieved. This is a problem because most African states were created to serve as a bulwark against further colonial rule rather than provide domestic order and protection for their citizens. Many African states have since become battlegrounds for ethnic or economic struggles. Neither a new and committed African leadership, nor intervention by the international community, is likely to transcend this problem and effectively advance the human security agenda. A reformed African state—one which induces leaders to be more concerned with advancing the interests of their people more broadly—remains the only viable alternative. The problem is that any reform of African states will also involve difficult trade-offs and dilemmas.     

FOOD AID

Abstract

This paper seeks to critically appraise Africa's position within the United Nations Security Council from the inception of the UN in 1945 until the end of 2010, spanning the entire history of the world body. A few factors make such an appraisal a useful exercise. These include the ongoing debates about the reform of the Council in particular and the UN as a whole, and the growing interest that many African students and observers of and actors in international relations seem to have developed in recent years in the working of the world body. In this appraisal, emphasis will be placed on the origin and rationale behind the establishment of the Security Council as well as the use of the veto power by its permanent members, with a special reference to Africa.